Villagers describe jihadists collecting taxes and mediating disputes while providing aid, a shift that many see as adaptation rather than reconciliation.
DAKAR, June 13 – meetings with jihadists in Mali, linked to al-Qaeda, have become a routine part of daily life: every few months they gather people from Poutchi to the mud-brick mosque to levy a tax on crops and livestock, and then distribute food, medicines, and animals to the needy.
Five years ago, the same militants threatened to slit the throats of everyone in Poutchi – even the imam – who doubted their interpretation of Islam, recalls Amadu, a herdsman living near the Niger River.
“They don’t speak that way anymore,” Amadu says, describing how the militants refocused on spreading their religious message without threats or violence. “The dynamics have really changed.”
– Amadu
The jihadists originate from Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM), a group that pledged loyalty to al-Qaeda after its founding in 2017 and has, for the past decade, firmly continued to impose its will through fear and force across wide swaths of the Sahel in West Africa, banning music, smoking, and wedding celebrations.
Initially they were confined to desert and mountainous hideouts, but the strength of JNIM grew after officers who seized power in Mali in 2020 drove out about 15,000 French and peacekeeping troops and sought support from Russian mercenaries to maintain control over the insurgents.
JNIM demonstrated its new strength in April, mounting a series of bold attacks across Mali: struck the Bamako airport, killed the defense minister and captured a number of military bases in the northern part of the country as part of a coalition with Tuareg separatists.
The Malian government calls both groups terrorists, responsible for violence and instability in the country. Moscow has pledged to continue fighting the rebels in Mali.
However, jihadists are now at the center of a broader belt of militants operating under the banners of al-Qaeda and the Islamic State, stretching roughly 3,000 km across West Africa. The UN Secretary-General warned in November that these groups are merging and posing an increasing global threat.
In remote areas where JNIM has already established control, residents notice changes in the group’s approach: its rhetoric has softened, militants take on administrative roles, settle land disputes between herders and farmers, allow humanitarian organizations in and out, and some government workers return to towns to celebrate family occasions under the group’s protection – as seven people living under JNIM rule in central Mali report.
“The stronger they become, the less they need to be brutal,”
– Corinne Dufka
Dufka argues that JNIM has successfully ruled in its remote cells, but warns: population consent is also a form of survival. “There is a combination of coercion, fear, and conviction,” she said. “For many residents who lived, married and grew up under this group, this is simply the new reality.”
Given fears of reprisals, residents speak to journalists anonymously or use only their first names. The Malian government and the military press service did not respond to requests for comment.
The government refuses to engage in dialogue
This development underscores the evolution of the Islamic insurgent movement in Mali over the past 15 years. Jihadist groups first seized large swaths of the country in 2012 after allying with Tuareg separatists, imposing a harsh interpretation of Islam with public floggings and the destruction of cultural monuments in Timbuktu.
JNIM, formed from four of these groups, increasingly seeks to demonstrate its ability to govern territories peacefully and win political legitimacy. It is also noted that dialogue with the government is not currently considered a viable option for resolving the conflict.
“They were open to discussing peace and stability in this region, to discussing the important factors regarding their vision of the future, to talk with everyone and have peace,”
– Bilal Ag Cherif
Bilal Ag Cherif, a veteran of the separatist movement who now leads the group known as the Azawad Liberation Front (ALF), notes notable changes: greater openness to local interpretations of Islam and calls for a more inclusive Mali. “They were willing to discuss peace and stability, to talk with everyone to achieve peace,” he said.
According to Cherif, ALF urges JNIM to sever ties with al-Qaeda and focus on local issues. “JNIM discusses these points positively, and we consider this extremely important,” he added, emphasizing that resolving the conflict in the north is impossible without JNIM’s participation.
JNIM states that its main goals are to drive Russian troops out of Mali and eliminate the commanders who rose to power after the 2020 and 2021 coups. After the April attacks they updated their message, issuing short French-language statements urging Malians to join them and build a new Mali on the basis of Islam.
Although JNIM does not control large cities and does not appear ready to seize the capital, analysts say the group aims to play a role in the negotiation process over the country’s future, which the government rejects.
“The government does not plan to engage in dialogue with non-constitutional armed groups that are responsible for the tragic events our people have endured for years,”
– Foreign Minister
In this context it is stated that relations between the authorities and the insurgent groups remain tense, while civilian populations sit between fear and attempts to survive. The region remains fluid, and the international monitoring community continues to follow developments and their impact on security and stability in West Africa.
Changes in tactics and governance observed by participants and analysts suggest that Mali’s future depends on the ability of local communities and the government to forge peaceful, just, and stable frameworks in the region.
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