Why have civilians suffered so heavily during Yemen’s prolonged conflict
A Yemeni human rights group has accused the Houthi movement of causing nearly 59,000 civilian casualties since 2015, presenting figures that underline the enormous human cost of more than a decade of conflict in Yemen.
The Yemeni Network for Rights and Freedoms said it documented 58,904 cases of civilians killed or injured between January 2015 and the first half of 2026. The Houthis had not immediately responded to the allegations, meaning the figures represent claims by the rights organisation rather than an independently established accounting accepted by all parties to the conflict.
According to the report, 15,478 civilians were killed during the period, including 1,216 women and 943 children. It recorded another 35,654 civilians injured, among them 6,348 women and 4,283 children. The organisation separately attributed thousands of additional casualties to landmines allegedly planted by Houthi forces in residential areas, villages, farms and roads. It said 1,637 civilians were killed and 6,135 injured in landmine incidents, while more than 798 people suffered permanent disabilities.
The allegations need to be viewed within the wider context of Yemen’s prolonged war. The Houthis seized the capital, Sanaa, and other parts of the country in 2014. A Saudi-led coalition intervened militarily in March 2015 in support of Yemen’s internationally recognised government, turning the crisis into a wider regional conflict. Years of fighting have damaged infrastructure, displaced civilians, weakened public services and left millions dependent on humanitarian assistance.
Although the intensity of frontline fighting has fluctuated and diplomatic efforts have periodically reduced hostilities, Yemen remains politically divided. The Houthis continue to control Sanaa and much of northern and western Yemen, while the internationally recognised government is based in Aden. Against that background, the new casualty allegations raise questions not only about responsibility for past violence, but also about landmine contamination, civilian protection, accountability and whether displaced Yemenis can safely return home even if major combat continues to decline.
What exactly does the Yemeni rights group allege against the Houthis?
The Yemeni Network for Rights and Freedoms says it documented tens of thousands of civilian casualties that it attributes to Houthi actions over a period extending from January 2015 through the first half of 2026. Its headline figure is 58,904 cases of civilians killed or injured, although the report separates casualties into different categories, including deaths and injuries directly attributed to violence and casualties resulting from landmines.
According to the organisation, 15,478 civilians were killed during the period. Women and children account for a significant share of those deaths, with the network reporting 1,216 women and 943 children among those killed. It additionally recorded 35,654 injured civilians, including 6,348 women and 4,283 children.
The organisation separately documented casualties caused by landmines that it alleges were planted by the Houthis. It reported 1,637 civilian deaths from mines, including 213 children and 198 women. Another 6,135 civilians were reportedly injured by mines, including 741 children and 362 women.
The figures present a picture of civilian harm extending beyond casualties caused during active fighting. Landmines can continue killing or injuring people years after they are deployed, meaning the consequences of warfare can persist even in areas where frontline combat has ended.
Attribution remains crucial when interpreting the report. The numbers were produced by a Yemeni rights organisation accusing one party to a multi-sided conflict. The Houthis had not immediately responded to the allegations, and the reported totals should therefore be presented as documented claims rather than uncontested casualty figures.
Yemen’s war has involved numerous armed actors, including Houthi forces, forces aligned with the internationally recognised government, the Saudi-led coalition and various other armed formations. Civilians have suffered from different forms of violence throughout the conflict.
The significance of the latest report lies in the scale and duration of the alleged violations. It attempts to quantify more than a decade of civilian harm and argues that the consequences remain active, particularly through unexploded and planted explosive devices.
Why have civilians suffered so heavily during Yemen’s prolonged conflict?
Yemen’s civilian population has been exposed to an unusually broad combination of risks because the conflict has involved prolonged conventional warfare, fighting in populated areas, explosive weapons, landmines, displacement and the deterioration of essential infrastructure.
The war’s geography has played an important role. Fighting has affected cities, towns, villages, roads and agricultural areas rather than remaining confined to isolated military zones. When combat takes place around civilian communities, the probability of civilian casualties increases substantially. Homes, markets, farms and transportation routes can become exposed to direct or indirect violence.
The duration of the conflict has compounded those effects. A short period of intense fighting can produce significant destruction, but a conflict lasting more than a decade repeatedly exposes the same population to insecurity. Families may be displaced several times, infrastructure repaired after one phase of fighting may be damaged again, and economic resources gradually become exhausted.
Civilian suffering also extends well beyond people directly killed or wounded. Damage to roads and infrastructure can restrict access to hospitals, food, clean water and employment. Displacement can separate families from livelihoods and education. Economic disruption can make basic goods unaffordable even where they remain physically available.
Yemen’s political fragmentation has made civilian protection more difficult. Different authorities control different parts of the country, while armed groups and security structures do not operate under one national chain of command. Accountability for violations can therefore be difficult to establish and enforce.
Children face particularly severe consequences. Beyond those killed or physically injured, prolonged conflict can disrupt education, expose children to displacement and poverty and leave families unable to access basic healthcare.
Women can similarly face both direct and indirect consequences, including injury, displacement, loss of family income and reduced access to healthcare and other essential services.
The nearly 59,000 casualties alleged in the latest report therefore represent only one measurement of the war’s effects. Even comprehensive casualty figures cannot fully capture the wider humanitarian consequences produced by years of insecurity and institutional deterioration.
Why are landmines still one of the most serious threats to Yemeni civilians?
Landmines create a distinctive humanitarian problem because they can remain dangerous long after the military circumstances that led to their deployment have changed. Unlike combatants, mines do not distinguish between a soldier moving through an area during active fighting and a civilian returning years later to a farm, village or road.
The Yemeni Network for Rights and Freedoms says mines allegedly planted by Houthi forces have caused particularly serious civilian losses. It documented 1,637 deaths and 6,135 injuries, while more than 798 victims reportedly suffered permanent disabilities.
Children are especially vulnerable. The organisation recorded hundreds of child deaths and injuries linked to mines and said approximately 397 of those left permanently disabled were children. Young people may be less capable of recognising explosive devices or understanding warnings, particularly in areas where markings have disappeared or contamination has not been comprehensively mapped.
The location of mines is another critical concern. According to the rights group, explosive devices were placed in residential areas, villages, farms and roads. These are locations civilians must use to resume ordinary life.
Agricultural contamination can prevent farmers from returning to their land, reducing household income and local food production. Mines on roads can restrict transportation and access to services. Explosive contamination around homes can make nominally liberated or stabilised communities practically uninhabitable.
This is why mine clearance is closely connected to displacement. A decline in armed clashes does not automatically mean displaced people can return safely. Communities must first know whether homes, fields, paths, wells and roads are free from explosive hazards.
Clearance itself is slow and technically demanding. Teams must identify contaminated areas, locate individual devices and safely remove or destroy them. Accurate records may be unavailable, while shifting terrain and years of conflict can make locating mines more difficult.
The long-term consequences therefore extend beyond casualty statistics. Mine contamination can delay reconstruction, prolong displacement and prevent local economies from recovering, making it one of the most enduring legacies of Yemen’s war.
Why is it difficult to establish an exact civilian casualty toll in Yemen?
Determining the precise number of civilians killed or injured during more than a decade of conflict is exceptionally difficult. Yemen’s fragmented political landscape, inaccessible areas, repeated displacement and weakened institutions all complicate systematic documentation.
Different organisations also count casualties using different methodologies. Some may include only incidents that can be individually verified through multiple sources. Others may rely on local monitors, witness accounts, medical records or reports submitted by families and community representatives. Definitions of civilian status and the treatment of missing persons can also differ.
Attribution presents another challenge. Establishing that a civilian was killed is one task; determining which party was responsible can be considerably harder. Yemen’s conflict has involved multiple armed forces and groups operating across changing front lines. In some incidents, the weapon or responsible formation may be identifiable. In others, investigators may have incomplete evidence.
The latest figures therefore need to be understood within their methodological and political context. The Yemeni Network for Rights and Freedoms attributes the reported casualties to the Houthis. The Houthis had not immediately responded to those accusations. Without an independently verified comprehensive dataset covering every incident, the figures should not be interpreted as an uncontested final accounting of civilian harm.
This caution does not mean the underlying humanitarian problem is uncertain. Yemen has experienced extensive civilian casualties and displacement during years of conflict. Rather, it means precision matters when assigning responsibility and presenting numerical totals.
Landmine casualties can be particularly difficult to document. Explosions may occur in remote agricultural areas, victims may not reach formal medical facilities, and the precise origin or date of emplacement of an explosive device may be difficult to establish.
There is also a distinction between direct and indirect deaths. Casualty databases often concentrate on people directly killed by violence, while broader assessments of conflict mortality may consider deaths associated with hunger, disease or the collapse of healthcare and other essential services.
As a result, no single number can capture every dimension of Yemen’s human cost.
How did Yemen’s conflict develop into such a prolonged national crisis?
The current phase of Yemen’s conflict emerged from a political crisis that intensified when the Houthi movement seized Sanaa in 2014 and expanded its control over other areas. The takeover fundamentally altered Yemen’s political balance and eventually pushed the internationally recognised government from the capital.
The conflict became significantly more internationalised in March 2015, when a Saudi-led coalition intervened in support of the internationally recognised government. What had already become a severe domestic power struggle consequently developed into a conflict with substantial regional dimensions.
Years of fighting produced changing front lines and multiple centres of political and military authority. The Houthis consolidated control over Sanaa and large parts of northern and western Yemen, while the internationally recognised government became based in the southern city of Aden.
The war also became entangled with broader regional rivalries. That external dimension increased the strategic importance of Yemen while making a comprehensive political settlement more difficult.
Military stalemate has been another important factor. Neither side has succeeded in creating a political order accepted across the entire country. Control of territory has therefore remained divided even during periods when major frontline fighting declined.
This helps explain why reduced hostilities should not be confused with resolution of the conflict. A ceasefire, informal truce or sustained decline in fighting can save lives and create space for negotiations, but it does not automatically settle questions concerning national governance, security arrangements, territory, economic institutions and the integration or disarmament of armed forces.
The conflict has consequently evolved through several stages rather than continuing at one constant intensity. Periods of major fighting have been followed by relative calm, negotiations and renewed regional tensions.
For civilians, however, the consequences accumulate across those stages. Infrastructure damaged years earlier may remain unrepaired, displaced families may be unable to return, public institutions remain divided and explosive remnants continue threatening communities.
Yemen’s crisis is therefore both an unresolved political conflict and the accumulated humanitarian legacy of more than a decade of warfare.
Why has reduced fighting failed to end Yemen’s humanitarian crisis?
A reduction in battlefield violence can substantially lower immediate casualties, but Yemen demonstrates why humanitarian crises can persist long after the intensity of combat declines.
War damages the systems that allow ordinary civilian life to function. Roads, hospitals, schools, water systems, electricity networks and other infrastructure can take years to restore. Economic institutions can also be fragmented, leaving authorities struggling to pay salaries, provide services or maintain stable commercial activity.
Millions of Yemenis have become dependent on humanitarian assistance during the conflict. That dependence cannot disappear simply because fewer missiles are launched or fewer battles occur. Families that have lost homes, employment, savings or agricultural land need time and resources to rebuild their livelihoods.
Landmines provide an especially clear example. An area may no longer experience active fighting but still be unsafe for returning residents. If roads, houses or farmland are contaminated, displacement effectively continues even after the front line has moved elsewhere.
Political fragmentation creates additional obstacles. The Houthis control Sanaa and substantial parts of northern and western Yemen, while the internationally recognised government operates from Aden. Divided authority complicates national economic policy, public administration and reconstruction.
Humanitarian organisations also depend on funding, access and security guarantees. When international attention moves to other crises, funding can decline even though humanitarian needs remain extensive. Reduced assistance can consequently worsen conditions during a period that appears militarily calmer.
The psychological and social consequences of prolonged conflict also endure. Children who have lost years of education cannot immediately recover them. People with permanent injuries require continuing healthcare and support. Communities fractured by displacement need to rebuild social and economic networks.
This creates a crucial distinction between stopping violence and achieving recovery. Reduced fighting is an essential condition for improvement, but it is only the beginning.
For Yemen to move beyond humanitarian emergency, a sustained political settlement would need to be accompanied by reconstruction, economic stabilisation, mine clearance, restoration of public services and conditions allowing displaced people to return voluntarily and safely.
What would be required for displaced Yemenis to return home safely?
The safe return of displaced Yemenis requires considerably more than the absence of active fighting. People need reasonable confidence that returning to their communities will not expose them to mines, renewed violence, destroyed infrastructure or the absence of basic services.
Mine clearance is among the most immediate requirements. The latest rights report specifically warns that explosive contamination is preventing displaced civilians from returning safely. Where mines have allegedly been placed around villages, farms, residential areas and roads, returning families can face danger from the moment they approach their former communities.
Surveying contaminated areas must therefore accompany physical clearance. Authorities and humanitarian organisations need to identify where mines and other explosive remnants are located, mark dangerous areas and provide communities with reliable information.
Basic infrastructure represents another condition. A family cannot sustainably return to an area where there is no access to water, healthcare, education or transportation. Rebuilding homes without restoring the systems around them can simply shift displaced people from camps or temporary accommodation into another form of humanitarian vulnerability.
Livelihoods are equally important. Many Yemenis depend on agriculture, small businesses or local employment. If farmland remains mined, markets are inaccessible or economic activity has collapsed, returning home may not be financially viable.
Security guarantees must also be credible. Families need confidence that armed clashes, arbitrary violence or forced displacement will not resume shortly after their return. That requires functioning local institutions and security arrangements that communities regard as dependable.
Finally, returns should be voluntary rather than driven primarily by the withdrawal of humanitarian support elsewhere. The objective is not simply to reduce displacement statistics but to allow families to rebuild sustainable lives.
The reported permanent disabilities caused by landmines further illustrate the long-term requirements. Survivors may need rehabilitation, prosthetics, medical care and economic assistance for many years.
Yemen’s displacement crisis will consequently persist unless physical security, explosive-ordnance clearance, reconstruction and economic recovery advance together.
Can international pressure improve civilian protection and accountability in Yemen?
The Yemeni Network for Rights and Freedoms has called on the international community and the United Nations to strengthen measures protecting civilians and to pressure the Houthis to comply with international humanitarian and human rights law. Whether such pressure produces meaningful change depends on the mechanisms available and the political incentives of the parties involved.
Diplomatic pressure can help establish civilian protection as part of negotiations rather than treating it as an issue to be addressed only after a comprehensive peace agreement. Measures concerning mines, detainees, humanitarian access and civilian infrastructure can potentially be negotiated separately even while larger political disputes remain unresolved.
Documentation is another important component. Recording alleged violations creates evidence that can support future accountability processes and helps establish patterns of civilian harm. Credible documentation, however, requires rigorous methodology because accusations made during conflicts are often politically contested.
International actors can also support practical measures that reduce civilian risk without waiting for a final settlement. Mine-clearance programmes, explosive-ordnance education, medical assistance and rehabilitation for people with disabilities can produce immediate humanitarian benefits.
The United Nations can facilitate negotiations, but external actors cannot impose a durable political settlement if Yemeni parties and their regional supporters do not accept the underlying compromises. International influence therefore depends partly on aligning diplomatic pressure with incentives for de-escalation.
Accountability remains particularly complicated. Yemen’s war has involved allegations of violations against multiple parties, and selective accountability risks becoming another source of political dispute. Sustainable mechanisms must therefore be capable of assessing allegations according to consistent standards.
The absence of a Houthi response to the latest accusations also means the specific allegations remain contested rather than adjudicated. Any credible accountability process would need to examine evidence and allow competing claims to be assessed.
Ultimately, international involvement can reduce suffering, support documentation and facilitate negotiations, but Yemen’s civilian protection problem cannot be separated from the unresolved conflict itself. The most durable improvement would require a political arrangement that reduces incentives for armed violence while simultaneously addressing the dangerous legacy already left behind.
Until that happens, the latest casualty allegations serve as another indication that Yemen’s war continues to affect civilians even during periods when the country receives less international attention.