Marco Rubio left open on Tuesday a possibility that for decades would have been difficult to imagine in Colombia: that the United States could directly expand its military presence on Colombian territory, including military bases, troops and, eventually, operations against illegal armed groups.
The U.S. secretary of state made the statement after meeting with President Abelardo de la Espriella in Barranquilla, as part of the relaunch of a bilateral relationship that both governments want to build around security, the fight against drug trafficking and trade.
Rubio’s visit thus confirmed the shift in Colombian foreign policy under the new government. Washington considers Colombia a strategic partner in confronting criminal organizations operating in the region, while De la Espriella seeks to turn the country into one of the United States’ main allies on hemispheric security.
Both governments have announced much deeper cooperation, including intelligence, training, military equipment and joint operations.
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Rubio leaves door open to US military bases in Colombia
Rubio’s most striking statement came when he was asked about the possibility of the United States establishing bases or deploying troops in Colombia. The secretary of state declined to close that door, saying Washington is willing to consider requests made by the Colombian government.
Rubio explained that any decision would have to have the cooperation of Colombian authorities and be evaluated by the U.S. Department of War, including its cost and feasibility. At the same time, he made clear that Washington is willing to do “everything necessary” within Colombian law and does not intend to unilaterally impose a military presence.
“That will have to be done with the cooperation of Colombian authorities and, obviously, the U.S. Department of War also has to study whether it is feasible, what the cost would be and everything else,” Rubio told reporters.
The statement takes on particular significance because Colombia, despite being one of Washington’s closest military allies in Latin America, has never had a permanent U.S. military base.
Cooperation between the two countries has been extensive for decades, particularly since the implementation of Plan Colombia, but U.S. forces have operated primarily through cooperation agreements, training, intelligence, assistance, and temporary access to Colombian facilities.
In 2009, during the government of Alvaro Uribe, Bogota and Washington sought to expand that arrangement through an agreement that would have allowed greater U.S. access to several Colombian military facilities. The proposal sparked strong regional controversy and was ultimately rejected by the Constitutional Court, meaning it never took effect.
The possibility of attacking the ELN
The new scenario goes even beyond military presence. Rubio also left open the possibility that the United States could participate in operations against Colombian armed organizations, including the National Liberation Army (ELN).
The official argued that Washington considers the presence of organizations it classifies as terrorist groups in other countries to be unsustainable and said that the threat must be confronted. According to Rubio, any potential action would have to be carried out through cooperation and dialogue with the governments of Colombia and Venezuela, countries affected by the activities of these groups.
The possibility of U.S. military operations against criminal organizations was already hinted at last month, when Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth acknowledged that Washington had proposed joint military operations against Colombian armed groups as part of the Coalition Against the Cartels of the Americas.
The De la Espriella government has shown a willingness to accept much broader operational cooperation than existed during the administration of Gustavo Petro, which consistently denounced foreign “interference” as a “violation of sovereignty.” That criticism has resurfaced today in response to Rubio’s visit to the country.
A new stage in the alliance
The meeting in Barranquilla sought to give a political structure to this new rapprochement. De la Espriella presented his security strategy as a renewed version of the cooperation that for years characterized Plan Colombia — the bilateral cooperation strategy between Colombia and the United States launched in the late 1990s to combat drug trafficking — while Rubio emphasized that bilateral relations had been hindered in recent years by political differences with the Petro government.
Washington now finds in Bogota a government willing to deepen cooperation against drug trafficking and armed organizations. Colombia, for its part, hopes to obtain technology, intelligence, radar systems, drones and other resources to strengthen its military capabilities.
Security was not, however, the only focus of the meeting. The so-called Barranquilla Agreements also included commitments on investment, energy, strategic minerals and reconstruction, in an effort to expand the alliance beyond the fight against drugs.
The possibility raised by Rubio does not mean that the United States will immediately establish a base or begin bombing operations in Colombia, something it recently unsuccessfully attempted in Ecuador (a proposal that was rejected by voters in a referendum). However, it does mark a decisive shift in the level of cooperation that both governments are willing to consider.
For the first time in years, a U.S. military presence on Colombian territory and potential direct U.S. participation in operations against armed groups are no longer scenarios that have been ruled out and have instead become part of the official conversation between Bogota and Washington.