BAGHDAD – Iran-backed Kataib Hezbollah has threatened to retaliate against what it called “provocative” government actions against its members and their families, while setting sweeping conditions for any talks with Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi over the future of militia weapons.
The demands, which include the complete withdrawal of US forces from Iraq, the departure of Turkish troops from the north and the disbanding of the Kurdistan Region’s Peshmerga forces, place Baghdad under renewed pressure as it seeks to bring all weapons under state control.
Abu Mujahid al-Assaf, a senior security official with Kataib Hezbollah, said in a statement late on Monday that the Islamic Resistance in Iraq, an umbrella network of Iran-backed armed factions that includes his group, would not engage in any government initiative on weapons unless the three conditions were met.
Assaf described the Kurdish force as “the most heavily armed and dangerous militia to the unity of Iraq, in addition to their suspicious ties with the Zionist-American enemy.”
The Peshmerga are, however, recognised under Iraq’s constitution as part of the country’s national defence system and played a central role alongside Iraqi and international forces in defeating Islamic State (ISIS) militants. Iraqi army and Peshmerga units also operate joint forces in disputed areas to prevent security vacuums.
Kataib Hezbollah’s conditions effectively transform the dispute over militia weapons from an internal security question into a broader contest over Iraq’s relations with Washington and Ankara, as well as the constitutional status of Kurdish security forces.
That is likely to make a negotiated settlement considerably more difficult.
Baghdad has set September 30 as the deadline for armed groups operating outside state control to end their activities, warning that those continuing to use Iraqi territory for armed operations after the deadline could be treated as criminals and prosecuted under counter-terrorism legislation.
The State Administration Coalition, the main political bloc supporting the government, reaffirmed on August 5 that weapons must be restricted to official state institutions and warned that groups carrying out activities that threaten national security outside the state’s authority would be considered “outlaws.”
The country’s four presidencies, the president, prime minister, parliament speaker and chief justice, also reaffirmed the principle at a meeting on Monday, linking the process to the withdrawal of international coalition forces and the strengthening of Iraq’s own military capabilities.
Kataib Hezbollah’s latest statement suggests that the September deadline could become a major test of the government’s authority.
Assaf accused Zaidi of ignoring advice from established political figures and instead following what he described as advice from other parties and US envoy to Iraq Tom Barrack. He accused Barrack of being “the one who harbours enmity towards the Shiites.”
The statement also marked a sharp escalation in rhetoric towards the government itself.
Assaf said the factions had waited for more than 100 days in the hope that Zaidi would take account of Iraq’s complicated domestic, regional and international circumstances. Instead, he accused the prime minister of “empty bravado”.
He further alleged that government forces had raided homes and intimidated the families of militia members, wounded fighters and those killed in previous conflicts.
“Our patience is beginning to run out over provocative and irresponsible actions,” Assaf said, warning that Kataib Hezbollah “may begin to act according to the principle of ‘an eye for an eye.’”
The threat raises the possibility that the confrontation over weapons could move beyond political pressure and into direct security friction between state institutions and armed groups.
For Zaidi’s government, that creates a difficult calculation. Retreating from operations against militia networks could weaken its pledge to establish a state monopoly over weapons. Pressing ahead could risk clashes with some of the most powerful armed factions in the country.
The timing is particularly sensitive.
The statement came days after an unannounced visit to Baghdad by Ismail Qaani, commander of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Quds Force. Iraqi sources said Qaani met senior figures from the Coordination Framework and armed factions during the visit.
According to the sources, Qaani urged the factions not to surrender their weapons for now, while simultaneously warning them against being drawn into an armed confrontation with the government and encouraging a political settlement.
That combination, resisting immediate disarmament while avoiding an open confrontation with Baghdad, reflects the dilemma facing Iran-backed factions as pressure mounts to bring their activities under state control.
Several groups have already signalled a willingness to support the government’s weapons initiative and integrate into the formal security structure, including Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataib Imam Ali. Others, including Kataib Hezbollah, have maintained that foreign military forces must first leave Iraq.
The Islamic Resistance in Iraq has previously claimed responsibility for attacks on US interests in Iraq and elsewhere in the region.
The United States has strongly backed Baghdad’s disarmament drive, particularly because several of the Iran-aligned factions have attacked American bases and interests.
The Iraqi government’s position has also hardened. Earlier this month, the Security Media Cell said there was “no turning back” from the policy of restricting weapons to the state, arguing that the process would create a “more stable environment for future generations.”
Now, the central question for Baghdad is no longer simply whether armed factions will surrender their weapons. It is whether the government can establish its authority without triggering a confrontation that could fracture an already delicate political and security balance.
With the deadline approaching, the competing positions are becoming clearer: Baghdad insists that weapons must ultimately be controlled by the state; some factions are prepared to negotiate; and Kataib Hezbollah is demanding a fundamental restructuring of Iraq’s security and foreign-policy landscape before it will even contemplate the issue.