Geopolitics: Africa Deserves its Own Position on Russia’s Policy Agenda
(Moscow Bureau) – With the heightening of the current geopolitics, many African governments have increasingly welcomed economic, diplomatic, and security ties with Russia. And noticeably, Russia’s engagements in Africa rely on irregular means to expand its influence—reliance on military offerings has often become prevalent in parts of Africa, amid an aggressive push by Moscow to lessen Western influence on the continent. Russia-Africa policy has come under serious debate, with researchers and analysts drawing out certain distinctive features since its first summit held in October 2019. Here are key takeaways:
*Russian–African talks still outrun money. Trade is ~$27bn vs China’s ~$300bn and Europe’s ~$400bn. Institute of Africa director Irina Abramova (July 2026): China, India, Turkey, and the Gulf have strategies and cash; Russia has “summit-fests” (49 leaders in 2019, and 17 in 2023), rotating Africa desks, and firms waiting for state loans. Conferences and bilateral meetings called for agro-processing, value chains, and linking business to policymakers—not more declarations and communiqués.
*Lavrov’s July 2026 tour (AU in Addis Ababa, Sahel region, southern Africa, and Burundi) was groundwork for the third Russia–Africa summit in Moscow in October 2026, and a declaration of the 2027–29 AU Strategic Action Plan. Several pledges cover food, fertilizer, mining, energy, and health; experts say the financial mechanism is still thin. December 2023 foreign-policy concept added an Africa chapter after years on the periphery.
*Africa’s leverage, in this telling, is agro-processing and manufacturing so it stops exporting raw ore and crops. Blaming the West does not build factories. “African solutions to African problems” is the popular slogan dominating official speeches; more glaringly, coordination and capital are the missing Russian half. Moreover, Moscow is insensitive to development challenges, rather fighting against terrorism which should practically be carried out through a multilateral framework.
The critical debates and in-depth discussions on Russia’s economic influence across Africa continue to spill over academic borders, with entrepreneurs raising their expectations and hopes for the next frontier where turning pledges and agreements into practical investments in agriculture and industry, production technology and know-how are transferred, and suppliers are ultimately connected to external markets. Over the past few years, Russian academics and researchers have provided useful comparative insights into these questions relating to the current Russia-Africa economic partnerships.
Reports suggest multiple qualitative pathways, highlight challenges that constitute roadblocks, and the extent to which Russia’s presupposed investment could be embedded in Africa’s economy. Quite often Africa is described as wealthy in natural resources and has an enormous human capital estimated at approximately 1.4 billion people. But the broader problems have been identified as the system of governance and the inability to transform the continental economy despite the huge untapped resources. Some still argue that Africa is undergoing the second ‘re-awakening’ while the economy largely remains fragmented; social integration is characterized by ethnicity, cultural diversity, and lust for political power. Researchers further underlined Africa’s structural disadvantages and limited innovations as the most apparent barriers in driving economic transformations. After decades of attracting foreign investments, leaders continue shifting blames of under-development to external players, particularly the United States and Europe.
Quite recently, at the Institute of Africa Studies, researchers underlined during a conference the necessity to connect Russian business leaders with policy decision-makers to distinctly define Africa’s industrial future, take steps to engage in processing raw materials, follow the process by unlocking value chains, and finally strengthen continental agency. The idea is primarily to shape Africa’s economic growth agenda.
That conference, held in March 2026, examined a wide range of issues related to Africa’s industrial development, the modernization of the African production base, and the potential for Russian-African cooperation in this area. It dissected continental, regional, and national aspects of industrial development in Africa, bringing into focus the manufacturing market in African countries: manufacturing and agro-industrial complexes. Related to that were energy, transport, and digitalization: necessary infrastructure for industrial development. The next aspect deals with the framework of activities of external actors, possible areas and prospects for expanding beneficial cooperation for Russian companies across Africa.
Today divergent views are still being expressed and shared at conferences on whether Russia needs Africa. The scientific conference concluded that Russia has little with Africa in terms of investment, and Russia was undergoing its own internal difficulties. Later in September, Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov emphasized those facts at the start of the academic year, Moscow State Institute of International Affairs (MGIMO) that Russia’s decision to return to Africa took 15 years. Lavrov has been explaining Russia’s policy with Africa, these several years since his appointment in 2004, offering insights into Russia’s vision for Africa’s development and economic growth, pointing to mutual partnerships as a driver in sustainable investment, adopting the most suitable ways to unlock opportunities that would shape a prosperous future for Africa.
Without doubts, Lavrov advocates for building Russia’s multifaceted relationship with Africa. But Africa is equally entitled to determine its own position on Russia’s policy agenda. The first Russia-Africa summit was then held in 2019. Despite this historic summit, the basic question circulating among Russian political elites and potential investors is whether there exist ‘a systemic strategy’ and ‘financial mechanism’ for Africa.
Professor Irina Abramova, director of Institute of Africa Studies, stated categorically in her July 2026 interview that players such China, India, Turkey, the Gulf and Arab States have concrete strategies and financial resources for investment in Africa. Abramova further pointed out ‘lack of coordination’ as one major weakness from Russia’s official domain. “The future of all major players depends, among other things, on who enters the African continent and how, and what offers they make to African countries that are of primary interest to them,” she emphasized with the Russian interviewer, the text posted on the Institute’s website.
In the interview text, Abramova underscored the fact that “the development of Russian industry depends on how we interact. We are talking and repeating about developing technology, developing industry, and not becoming a raw materials appendage of the West.” But what Russia lacks, in practical terms, is coordination. Lack of consistency. This systemic coordination and consistency are crucial in realizing Russia’s policy goals in Africa. Quite convincingly, Abramova described African leaders gathering in 2019 and 2023 as “summit-fest” and signed bilateral agreements and posed for group photographs, but to what degree are Russia’s primary economic and investment interests in Africa? The first summit had 49 leaders, and the second summit 17 presidents. Referring to the past, Russia’s interest was at the peripheral border to Africa, while Russia was trying to integrate itself into the Western world. In December 2023, a new Russian foreign policy was adopted, which included a detailed section dedicated to Africa.
Nevertheless, Africans still expect something tangible and different, especially relating to investment. “So, Russia’s trade stands at $27 billion, then with Europe almost $400 billion while China has $300 billion. We don’t finance, and with money Africans understand Russia can’t provide under the current circumstances,” Abramova argued. “We all know the term public-private-partnership, but it turns out that Russian businesses, accustomed to opening differently, are struggling to invest in Africa. They’re waiting for government loans, government support for years,” according to Abramova. “And I will say again: those who want it, those who work, succeed. But there is a lack of systemic approach, and absolutely there is a lack of coordination, a lack of information about Africa. And in order to properly implement policies, we need to set priorities and, most importantly, coordinate activities between ministries, agencies, and businesses. And very often, those responsible for Africa are constantly changing: first one agency is responsible, then another. New people come in; they know nothing about Africa, and it takes time to get into swinging rightly. And for everything to be systemic, we need coordination.”
The truth is, Africa has an economy focused on agriculture and the extractive sector. But the most tragic part of Africa’s development narrative has been directed at shifting blame to the United States and Europe, mostly for massive exploitation of natural resources. The past is, however, gone forever, the present has to deal with internal agro-processing and manufacturing. This should be the most critical leverage for breaking reliance on primary raw material exports and building economic resilience, noted in an article by a senior African expert at the Institute of Africa Studies.
In today’s prism of geopolitical analysis, Lavrov’s July African tour, for instance, was strategically directed at winning the hearts of African leaders to the forthcoming third Russia-Africa Summit slated for October 2026. Official brochures documented Russia’s capacity, without a concrete financial mechanism, to return and build Africa’s infrastructure, demonstrating noticeable investment in its economic growth. An in-depth and scholarly research shows Russia pledging to ensure food security: Russia has always expressed raising support aimed at achieving sustainable food security across the continent. It also underscored the importance of ensuring the uninterrupted supply of food, fertilizers, and agricultural inputs to African markets.
Lavrov toured the continent from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, where, at the Chinese-financed African Union headquarters, he interacted with the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, on 7th July 2026. The two sides reviewed progress and renewed collaboration to implement the Russia-AU Commission Action Plan 2023-2026. With a view to garner ‘geopolitical solidarity’ in addressing the existing gaps in its policy fixtures across Africa, and further deepen cooperation in areas of premium interest, Russia-AU officials discussed plans to adopt a new action plan for the next three-year period of 2027-2029, hopefully at the end of the third Russia-Africa Summit in Moscow.
Lavrov’s high-level consultations, which spanned the Francophone alliance in the Saharan Sahel region and southern Africa and ended in Burundi, aimed to advance Russia-Africa cooperation in several priority areas. While listing, as always, the multifaceted partnership areas for collaboration, Lavrov, however, reaffirmed the longstanding historical ties between Africa and the Russian Federation. And of course, Lavrov did a pretty outstanding on job as foreign minister, reaching out to the top African political elites and sectoral ministers, genuinely paving the political pathways and decorating the investment environment for potential Russian investors.
A 21-point declaration outlined the parameters of relations between Russia and Africa. That was an explicit official statement. Further to that, in carefully monitored details of speeches and conversations, particularly with ministers during bilateral meetings, there has been an unwavering commitment to promoting peace, security, and ensuring stability across Africa. Nevertheless, Russia’s task today is to continue developing relations in the modern era that would promote development and strengthen the positions of the African states in the emerging system of a multipolar world order on a firm and reliable foundation. Considerable attention was given to expanding trade, economic and investment ties, improving the bilateral legal framework, and advancing promising joint projects in areas such as geological exploration, mining, energy, agriculture and healthcare.
Undoubtedly, Africa is now awakening for the second time. While Africa attained political independence in the 1960s, it spent decades taking pride only in having cast off the yoke of colonialism. Now African leaders and the elite class realise that, though it has liberated itself politically, it remains economically dependent on its former metropoles. Until today, Africa’s economy is, to a large extent, founded on the scheme imposed by the departing colonisers, whereby raw materials are extracted from Africa, while all added value is generated in the metropoles. It has to wake up from its post-independence slumber. Africa has to ensure its natural wealth undertakes considerable interest in agro-processing of raw materials into manufactured goods demanded by the market. These are not mere development fantasies, it’s materialisation is ‘long overdue’. The dream of Africa’s economic sovereignty. But this economic sovereignty, according to a shared opinion, the continent should address within “the principle of African solutions to African problems.”