Cuba: “You Don’t Go from Oppression to Freedom Overnight”

The advice of Polish diplomat Adrian Chrobot

By Xavier Carbonell (El Toque)

HAVANA TIMES — I met Adrian Chrobot a couple of years after Fidel Castro’s death (2016). At the time, he was head of the Polish Embassy’s Political-Economic Section, while I was in Santa Clara [central Cuba], studying at the Universidad Central and working afternoons in the library of the Santa Clara [Catholic] diocese. The atmosphere at the university was quite heated. Some foreign diplomats were traveling around the country, taking the pulse of the situation and doing what they could to support culture and freedom of thought.

With Chrobot’s help, we organized a series of Polish film screenings dedicated to Lech Majewski. I didn’t really like Majewski’s films, but the feeling of doing something forbidden—meeting with diplomats, talking about the fall of socialism, discussing outside books and films—became permanently addictive. Those were exciting times, and although almost all of us young people from that period ended up in exile, we owe a debt to those “time travelers” who told us what had happened in Eastern European countries after the fall of the Soviet empire.

On May 19, 2026, Poland’s Foreign Minister, Radosław Sikorski,reminded both Washington and Havana of the value of that transitional experience. Nearly ten years after those meetings in Santa Clara, I took advantage of the opportunity to call Chrobot and speak once again about Cuba.

You worked for several years in Cuba as political affairs officer at the Polish Embassy in Havana. What did your work consist of, and what kind of country did you leave behind?

ADRIAN CHROBOT: My mission in Cuba lasted six years (2015–2021). It was an extraordinarily interesting period, full of events of great historical and diplomatic significance. The first years spanned a period of opening up, barely evident on the part of the regime – as would later become clear—but I believe genuine on the part of society and the international community. I arrived on the island three months after the announcement of renewed diplomatic relations between Cuba and the United States.

Five months later, the US Embassy building across from Cuba’s Malecon reopened in a solemn and emotional ceremony. This was followed by visits from the Pope, European leaders, and US President Obama. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement between Cuba and the European Union was signed. As far as Poland was concerned, the visit of our Foreign Minister Witold Waszczykowski to Havana was highly significant, the first such high-level visit since Poland’s democratic transition—31 years earlier! Throughout this intensification of relations, we always emphasized the importance and priority of human rights and freedom.

The second part of my mission [starting in 2019], were disappointing for those of us who believed that Cuba could change. For us, it was the sad confirmation of what we’d already glimpsed. You could phrase it that we Poles distrust tyrants: Timeo tyrannos et dona ferentes [“I fear tyrants even when bringing gifts”]. It was the same skepticism we held toward Putin, and in both cases, unfortunately, we were right.

The priority of my work at the Embassy was establishing ties with Cuban civil society: political dissidents, independent journalists, self-employed entrepreneurs, and independent artists. Our open-door policy provided a space of trust and freedom of thought, but above all a source of moral support, so important for anyone who loves freedom and finds themselves under threat and persecution.

I also traveled to distant points across the island, from Pinar del Río to Baracoa, visiting those who could not travel themselves. I feel honored to have met these true—though still unrecognized—heroes of Cuba and freedom, and to have continued this work during my next assignment, in Washington.

The latter mission culminated with my participation in the organization of a major event in Miami [in September 2025] where, in the presence of our Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski and US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, we presented the “Lech Wałęsa” Solidarity Prize to Berta Soler and the Ladies in White. It gave me great satisfaction to have been able to continue my work in that way. Even now, as a university professor, I follow Cuban affairs closely and maintain regular contact with the extraordinary people I met a decade ago.

Much has already been written about Cuba’s political situation. I’ve observed with sadness that conditions have deteriorated considerably since my departure, something almost unbelievable because things were already very bad in 2021 and many thought [the Cuban population] had reached rock bottom. Yet five years later, Cuba is in a profound crisis, and its leaders continue to perpetuate it by rejecting reforms and any alternation in power. I have seen so many people arrive in the United States, other Latin American countries, Spain, and even Poland—a rather unexpected destination for Cubans— fleeing hunger, desperate to leave a homeland they love deeply.

Minister Sikorski has just stated that the Polish experience has much to contribute to a future Cuban transition. What does this experience consist of? Can it be adapted to a country so different from Poland and so disconnected from its regional context?

AC: After 1989, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe adopted different models of political and economic transition. Poland, by decision of its political leaders led by President Lech Wałęsa, chose a peaceful path: a negotiated transition. This brought the political, economic, and social freedoms that the Polish people had long yearned for.

However, achieving that reconciliation involved rebellions, uprisings, and enormous human sacrifice over many years. Reconciliation avoided bloodshed but once achieved it also meant that former communists—transformed into social democrats—were able to participate in the political life of a free Poland. The transformation also brought a shock therapy that had a profound impact on society, which had to learn how to function and live under entirely new circumstances.

For many people, adapting to the new reality was enormously difficult. Quite a few were left orphaned, deprived of the State’s protection. The transition wasn’t perfect, but the balance is unquestionably positive. No one in today’s Poland longs for the old régime, and we enjoy freedom and move ahead within the free world despite its imperfections.

During my stay in Havana, in meetings with Cuban leaders, we sought to share that experience, as well as its challenges, so that Cuba could avoid repeating some of our mistakes, some of the traps of transformation. We pointed out parallels with what we experienced in the 1980s, when communists in Poland also tried unsuccessfully to reform the system. As could be expected, the regime never showed any interest in listening; even the term “transition” was forbidden.

The regime repeated its mantra of “perfecting the Cuban socioeconomic model,” which was surreal. It was all in vain: the regime does not want reforms because they threaten its perpetual hold on power.

Sikorski [Poland’s Foreign Minister] also indicated that such a transition could be “uncomfortable” and “not entirely satisfying psychologically,” as was the case in Poland. Having experienced the Cuban political system and its people firsthand, how might that discomfort and dissatisfaction manifest itself?

AC: Yes, I’m old enough to have lived through it personally [laughs], though not old enough to remember everything clearly. It was a hard period, the 1990s, especially the first five to eight years. There was high inflation, enormous unemployment, and disappointment among certain sectors of society that found themselves abandoned in a new and unfamiliar situation, cut-off from the familiar all-powerful state. In repressive Poland under the communists, the policy was also “nothing outside the socialist revolution.”

There was economic crisis and an initial impoverishment of society due to the collapse of the false and unsustainable socialist economic model. Yet, the Polish people maintained hope and the desire to work toward a better future, which ultimately led us to become one of the world’s 20 largest economies by 2026.

There was a mix of euphoria over the end of the regime and the repression, with aspirations of becoming once again a part of Europe. The latter desire materialized with our admission to NATO in 1999, and the EU in 2004. It was an uphill road, but we knew it was worth it, and today we have become a country of note, thanks to our efforts and the support of our allies.

Cuba’s transformation will face its own challenges, but I believe Cubans, given their recognized abilities and work ethic, will achieve success quickly. Nevertheless, they will have to confront social problems, including economic inequality, international relations issues, and the return of the diaspora, as well as difficult matters such as [negotiating rights to] the land and properties nationalized by the regime.

There will also be people left unprotected by the State, who will need to be protected and shielded from the effects of the transformation, so they don’t end up becoming its victims. The issue of justice, accountability, and responsibility for crimes committed against the Cuban people and dissidents also remains unresolved: the death of Oswaldo Payá, the shootdown of the Brothers to the Rescue planes, the sinking of the Regla ferry…

In Poland, the Institute of National Remembrance was established, and perhaps the creation of such an institution will also be needed in Cuba. But I am an optimist and seeing the success that so many Cubans have achieved outside Cuba, I’m convinced they will achieve it on the island as well, once the red flag [of communism] is gone.

Diplomatically speaking, there always seem to be some foreign representatives around Cuba who sympathize with the island’s democratic future, and others who seek to delay it. What is your opinion of these competing international “camps” of influence around Cuba?

AC: I was fortunate to work with some great diplomats who supported freedom in Cuba, beginning with my ambassador Anna Pienkosz, my colleague and current successor Dorota Kobierowska, and my colleague Daniel Gromann, whom I later worked with in Washington. I also had the pleasure of working closely with Czech, US American, Swedish, and Dutch colleagues. News about our projects on the island can still be found online. In one case, they even wanted to declare us personas non grata because of our meetings with dissidents.

We always had interesting discussions, particularly within the framework of the European Union, where we advocated a more critical line toward the regime and its human rights violations. I won’t comment on the positions of other colleagues, but I can say that I had the privilege of working with several Cubans both on and off the island with whom we carried out important projects and relevant political initiatives.

I am especially pleased with our cooperation with the European Parliament, particularly with former Polish deputy Jarosław Wałęsa (Lech Walesa’s son), who showed great interest in the Cuban issue and whom I had the privilege of meeting personally at that event in Miami in September 2025.

In Poland, there is a cross-party consensus regarding our position toward the Cuban regime, which has made it possible to maintain support for dissidents under every government over the past decades.

Minister Sikorski referred to Berta Soler as a leading figure in the Cuban dissident movement. You recently met with Jose Daniel Ferrer. As tensions around Cuba increase, both the exile community and the opposition also seem to be stirring. New political parties are being founded. What is your assessment of the Cuban opposition landscape, both inside and outside the island? Is it solid enough to lead the country toward a democratic future?

AC: I am convinced that it is! Over the years, I met numerous opposition figures, and I was always pleased by their diversity. However, I constantly stressed the need for unity among dissidents in confronting the regime, just as happened with the Solidarity movement in Poland, which brought together groups ranging from the right to the left in the 1980s.

These groups decided to unite and act together to bring down the regime. Once freedom is achieved, space opens up for democratic competition and a diversity of political options.

I think Cubans are very well prepared, even if they don’t yet know exactly how things will work. But they can count on the support of the exile community, which is undoubtedly a significant factor both in current politics and the process of change. In addition, support from democratic countries, especially those that transitioned from communism to democracy, will contribute to the training of future leaders of a free and democratic Cuba.

We must not forget the cultural and spiritual component, elements that are fundamental to Cuban identity, even though they’ve been repressed or manipulated by the dictatorship. I would highlight the importance of not neglecting those spaces, because transformation does not occur solely in the electoral or business spheres. I’d also include the educational sector here, which must be decoupled from communist indoctrination.

Cuba still does not know exactly what transition is, but it shows a willingness to learn and prepare. One does not move from oppression to freedom overnight. That’s why it’s better to undertake that process in company with others, rather than alone. In my opinion, at the moment of transition it would be essential to convey hope to society. At the same time, leaders should be transparent in communicating that it will be a difficult and demanding process, although necessary to overcome the current situation, just as the countries of Central and Eastern Europe did.

Reconciliation and social cohesion are key elements. Perhaps these were what took the longest to materialize in Poland, and it is precisely our experience that may help promote them in Cuba.

The US Secretary of State has repeatedly expressed Washington’s preference for a “negotiated” change at the diplomatic table. Minister Sikorski recalled that Poland’s transition was achieved “without bloodshed.” Based on your experience as a diplomat, do you think the Cuban regime is prepared to negotiate its peaceful dismantling, or will it try at all costs to provoke a military response from the United States?

AC: I always favor evolution over revolution. Peaceful change is not perfect, but violent change leaves victims, resentment, and a desire for revenge. Peaceful change demonstrates the maturity of elites on both sides.

But it takes two to tango. In Poland, the Communist Party did not even consider negotiations until the more pragmatic faction prevailed and agreed to sit down with the opposition at the Round Table—not the one on the famous Cuban television program, but a table where everyone had an equal seat and no one presided. Those negotiations were conducted under the mediation of the Catholic Church. I believe the Cuban Catholic Church could play a similar role if the circumstances arise.

First published in Spanish by El Toque and translated and posted in English by Havana Times.

Read more from Cuba here on Havana Times.