Colombia is entering the second half of 2026 with an economy showing signs of stronger momentum, but the country still carries two major weaknesses that weigh on its ability to regain investment-grade status: deteriorated public finances and investment that has yet to demonstrate a sufficiently strong recovery. For the newly inaugurated government of Abelardo De La Espriella, both issues are closely tied to one of its central economic promises: turning the country into a “Patria Milagro,” or “Miracle Homeland,” driven by greater private investment, a lower tax burden, a smaller state, and the revival of productive sectors.
The latest official data offer a mixed picture. Colombia’s Gross Domestic Product grew 3.5% year over year in the second quarter of 2026, accelerating from 2.2% in the first three months of the year, according to DANE, the country’s national statistics agency. However, detailed first-quarter data show that gross capital formation fell 3.0% year over year, although gross fixed capital formation — more directly associated with machinery, infrastructure and other productive assets — rose 3.7%.
For Fitch Ratings (a global credit rating agency that assesses governments’ and companies’ ability to repay their debt), that economic recovery is still not enough to change Colombia’s credit profile. The country remains rated BB (meaning Colombia has a significant credit risk but obligations are currently manageable) with a stable outlook, after Fitch downgraded it from BB+ (which is the highest level within the BB category but still below investment grade) in December 2025. That leaves Colombia two notches below BBB- (the lowest investment-grade rating, indicating adequate capacity to meet financial obligations), the level at which investment grade begins under Fitch’s scale.
The challenge goes beyond simply improving a rating. Losing investment-grade status raises perceptions of sovereign risk, can increase borrowing costs and may limit participation by certain institutional investors that are only permitted to hold assets carrying specific ratings. For Colombia, regaining that status will require evidence that the fiscal deficit can be reduced, debt can be stabilized, and the economy can grow with stronger support from productive investment.
Why Colombia remains far from investment grade

Richard Francis, co-head of Sovereign Ratings for the Americas at Fitch Ratings, had already warned in April 2026 that Colombia could need at least 3 or 4 more years to regain investment-grade status. The agency believes the accumulated fiscal deterioration cannot be reversed immediately and that the new government will need to maintain a consolidation strategy through much of its term.
One of the main problems is the deficit. The fiscal scenario prepared before the change in government projected a central government deficit equivalent to 6.2% of GDP in 2026. Total financing needs for the year were estimated at approximately COP 171.5 trillion, equivalent to 8.9% of GDP, with 6.2 percentage points corresponding specifically to financing the deficit.
Debt is another major front for Colombia. Even the operations carried out in 2026 to alter its composition do not eliminate the structural problem. The Finance Ministry said in May that Colombia had reduced approximately US$10 billion in external debt exposure between March and May, while the foreign share within the operations cited fell from 42% to 25%, reducing some exchange-rate vulnerability. But improving the composition of the debt does not replace the need to stop its overall growth.
A large share of Colombia’s public spending is also difficult to change quickly. Pensions, transfers, healthcare, salaries, constitutional obligations and debt servicing limit the government’s ability to carry out an adjustment based solely on administrative austerity. The debate, therefore, is not simply about how much to cut, but where to cut without undermining infrastructure, education or other investments that could raise future growth.
The earthquake that struck western Colombia only days after the presidential inauguration has added another layer of difficulty. The disaster requires financing for the reconstruction of homes, highways, hospitals and other infrastructure at precisely the moment when the new administration needs to signal fiscal discipline. Former Finance Minister Juan Camilo Restrepo estimated that reconstruction could require between 1-2% of GDP, or roughly COP 20 trillion to COP 40 trillion (roughly US$6.4 – 12.8 billion), and has argued that public funds, private capital and international cooperation will all be needed. He also noted that the government had initially announced a spending cut of about one percentage point of GDP, roughly COP 20 trillion (roughly US$6.4 billion), targeting expenditures considered unnecessary or bureaucratic. Colombia therefore faces today a very complex paradox: it needs to spend more because of the emergency while trying to reduce a deficit that Fitch considers excessively high.
The three-percentage-point adjustment Fitch says Colombia needs
Fitch has estimated that the fiscal correction required to stabilize Colombia’s accounts is around 3 percentage points of GDP. The agency is not suggesting that the government execute the entire adjustment in a single year. Francis has instead said that a correction of that magnitude would take several years and would likely need to combine measures on both revenue and spending. Three percentage points of GDP would represent, broadly speaking, about COP 60 trillion (roughly US$ 19.1 billion) at the current size of the Colombian economy. The figure illustrates why eliminating ministries, contracts or administrative positions, while potentially contributing, would hardly be enough on its own.
The challenge also has a macroeconomic dimension, as a spending cut concentrated on infrastructure and other public investment could initially reduce the deficit but at the same time weaken growth, employment and future tax revenue. That is why a sustainable consolidation normally requires a combination of more efficient spending, stronger revenue collection, action against tax evasion and an economy growing fast enough to prevent debt from continuing to rise as a share of GDP.
For Fitch, the duration of the plan will also matter. Rather than looking only at the 2027 budget, the rating agency wants to see signs of a credible path for the following years. That makes the first years of De La Espriella’s administration particularly important, since new governments typically have more political capital early in their terms to push through significant reforms. Its ability to approve those reforms, however, will depend heavily on Congress. During the campaign, analysts had already warned that the positive market reaction to some of De La Espriella’s proposals could be pricing in a faster fiscal adjustment than may be politically feasible.
“Patria Milagro” bets on private investment to drive growth
De La Espriella’s economic strategy attempts to solve part of that equation through a much stronger expansion of the private sector. The so-called “Patria Milagro” agenda is built around four central ideas: reducing the size of the state, lowering taxes, deregulation and restoring investor confidence. During the campaign, De La Espriella said he wanted to reduce the size of government by as much as 40%, lower taxes to encourage private investment and revive the hydrocarbons sector. He also argued that Colombia could reach annual growth rates of between 6% and 7% through stronger activity in infrastructure, agriculture, construction and tourism.
His economic argument is based in part on the idea that security and investment are directly linked. “If we have security, we will have investors, because there will be confidence to invest,” he told Reuters during the campaign. The strategy therefore seeks to combine a stronger security policy with more favorable conditions for domestic and foreign companies to commit capital in Colombia. Other proposals released during the campaign included reducing regulatory burdens, using artificial intelligence to fight tax evasion, simplifying the tax system and opening more space for energy and tourism projects.
The energy sector also plays a particularly important role. De La Espriella has supported renewed oil and gas exploration and a return to fracking projects, arguing that hydrocarbons remain important for exports, royalties, foreign-currency earnings and the country’s energy security. The program also seeks to facilitate investment in infrastructure, construction, agribusiness and tourism. The underlying bet is that lower taxes and fewer bureaucratic hurdles will improve the expected returns on new projects, generate jobs and gradually expand the economic base from which the government collects revenue.
There is, however, an important tension between that agenda and Fitch’s objective. Lowering taxes may encourage new investment, but it also initially reduces public revenue. For the strategy to support both growth and a return to investment grade, the government would need to prove that structural spending cuts, reduced tax evasion, greater formalization and stronger economic growth can sufficiently offset the revenue lost through tax reductions. That is likely to become one of the central economic tests of the “Patria Milagro”: proving that a pro-investment agenda can coexist with fiscal consolidation rather than becoming an additional source of deficit.
Colombia needs to turn confidence into productive investment

The first data from 2026 help explain why investment must remain at the center of the discussion. During the first quarter, Colombia received US$3.794 billion (roughly US$1.21 billion) in foreign direct investment, equivalent to 3% of quarterly GDP, according to Colombia’s Central Bank. During the same period, the financial account recorded net capital inflows of US$954 million. FDI is particularly important because it typically reflects longer-term commitments to companies and productive assets, unlike some portfolio flows that can enter or leave financial markets much more quickly.
Domestic investment, however, is still showing weakness. The 3% decline in gross capital formation in the first quarter contrasts with overall economic growth. Within that indicator, there was a more positive sign: gross fixed capital formation increased 3.7%, suggesting that some investment in machinery, construction and productive assets had begun to recover. Colombia has several advantages it can leverage to sustain that trend. Infrastructure is one of them. Roads, ports, airports, railways and digital networks can lower logistics costs and improve the competitiveness of regions that remain relatively disconnected from the country’s main markets.
There is also potential in energy, agribusiness, tourism, manufacturing and technology services. Colombia’s geographic proximity to the United States could benefit a broader nearshoring strategy, but attracting companies that want to relocate supply chains requires more than competitive labor costs. Investors also need reliable energy, legal certainty, infrastructure, skilled workers and predictable rules. Regulatory stability will be equally important. Large-scale projects are generally designed over horizons of 10, 20 or 30 years. Constant changes in taxes, permits or sector-specific regulations increase perceived risk and can ultimately offset even attractive tax incentives.
The earthquake has also created an unexpected opportunity to mobilize investment. The government created the ‘Fondo Milagro’, or “Miracle Fund,” as a mechanism to channel resources for reconstruction. If part of that process can be structured with private-sector participation, multilateral financing and international cooperation, reconstruction could become not only an emergency expenditure but also an opportunity to modernize infrastructure and generate economic activity. That approach will require strict safeguards as reconstruction financed exclusively through additional borrowing would aggravate the very problem Fitch has highlighted. The government’s ability to combine public budgets, insurance, private investment and multilateral financing will therefore be critical.
Colombia ultimately faces two challenges that cannot be separated. It needs to reduce a deficit of around 6% of GDP and stabilize debt, while at the same time increasing the investment required for the economy to grow faster. The 3.5% year-over-year GDP growth recorded in the second quarter of 2026 is encouraging, but it is still too recent to prove that a structural shift has taken place. Fitch will pay less attention to one strong quarter than to the country’s ability to sustain several years of fiscal discipline and investment-led growth.
De La Espriella’s “Patria Milagro” proposes using private investment, security, energy development, deregulation and lower taxes as the engines of that transformation. The real question will be whether the government can deliver those goals while simultaneously reducing the deficit and financing an extraordinary reconstruction effort. If the administration manages to turn business confidence into productive projects, stabilize debt and present a credible four-year fiscal path, Colombia could begin to narrow the distance separating it from investment-grade status. If tax reductions fail to generate sufficient investment and revenue, or if spending cuts weaken the state’s productive capacity, that distance could remain considerable for much longer.