On September 10, Morocco’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued clarifications on recent developments in relations with Spain, reaffirming the bilateral partnership while rejecting the use of Morocco in Spain’s domestic political and media disputes. The statement’s deeper significance lies not only in the positions it sets out, but in how it reorganizes the debate and the responsibility attached to each level.
The statement begins with the Kingdom’s “sovereign choice” to build relations with Spain on good-neighborliness, political understanding, economic partnership, and security cooperation. The wording matters because it places the partnership within a strategic decision made according to state interests, not as a concession imposed by crisis or circumstance.
A strategic partnership beyond political cycles
Here, the idea of the “nation-state” comes into focus without turning history into display. The monarchy stands at the center of Morocco’s political and institutional continuity and plays a central role in shaping the state’s major orientations, particularly on sovereignty and foreign affairs. From this center, strategic choices extend beyond governments and electoral cycles. Rabat therefore appears more concerned with protecting the framework governing the relationship than with winning a round in the controversy around it.
Invoking the April 7 declaration follows the same logic. The ministry presents it not as the end of disagreements, but as a method for managing them. The two countries, it notes, were able to “contain their differences” and address them with seriousness and respect, away from imposing faits accomplis. The strength of the relationship lies less in having no disputes than in preventing them from consuming the rest of the partnership.
Security cooperation and the Spanish paradox
This is even clearer in the security sphere. Since 2014, the two countries have carried out more than 40 joint counterterrorism operations, leading to 174 arrests, including 112 in Spain. Spain has also praised the General Directorate for Territorial Surveillance (DGST) extensively for its role in combating terrorist networks and violent extremism.
Spain also decorated Abdellatif Hammouchi, Director General of National Security and Territorial Surveillance, with the Police Merit Cross in 2014, before awarding him the Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Civil Guard, which he personally received in Madrid in November 2025. More strikingly, on July 2, 2026, only weeks before the events in occupied Ceuta, the Civil Guard decorated eight DGSN-DGST officials in recognition of bilateral security cooperation.
These facts make it difficult to treat some later narratives as the natural extension of a consistent Spanish security assessment of Morocco. The point goes beyond numbers. Counterterrorism cooperation rests on intelligence, operations, and trust. If both countries can sustain this level of reliance when lives and national security are at stake, the gap between that reality and the image of Morocco sometimes reproduced in Spain’s political debate deserves scrutiny.
When political narratives enter institutions
Perhaps the statement’s most sensitive passage is its reference to “respected legislative and judicial institutions” adopting “ill-advised initiatives that fuel discord.” The word “respected” matters as much as the criticism. Morocco is not challenging institutional legitimacy or jurisdiction; it is separating respect for an institution from reservations about what may emerge from it.
The context helps explain the background without claiming that the Foreign Ministry had one specific file in mind. In the legislative sphere, initiatives have reopened highly sensitive issues in relations with Morocco. In the judicial sphere, some tracks linked to events in occupied Ceuta have used characterizations and hypotheses that move beyond operational facts toward questions of sovereignty and responsibility. The issue then becomes the possible movement of certain narratives from media and party politics into arenas capable of producing legal and institutional effects.
That is the deeper point. Political rhetoric may shift with the electoral mood, and a headline may disappear with the next news cycle. The situation changes when the same hypothesis enters a legislative or judicial institution. Morocco then faces not merely a negative image in Spanish debate, but the possibility that contested narratives begin to influence decision-making and the structure of the bilateral relationship.
This also explains the statement’s deliberate progression. It begins with political and media circles, moves to established parties, and then reaches legislative and judicial institutions. This is not a list of adversaries, but a warning about political instrumentalization moving from public controversy into the institutional sphere.
On Ceuta, Rabat also changes the direction of questioning. It rejects accusations against Moroccan authorities in the absence of evidence proving their involvement, then asks why irregular migrants are not returned despite Morocco’s readiness to receive them, and why unaccompanied minors remain separated from their families despite Rabat’s request for their return. Responsibility is no longer concentrated in one direction, nor is Morocco left alone to explain what happened.
This is also the meaning of the Kingdom’s refusal to become an “electoral commodity” or a “scapegoat” for political score-settling. The point goes beyond reputation. Rabat rejects a relationship that can be repriced according to the needs of Spain’s domestic politics, or one in which Morocco becomes the easiest answer whenever the internal question is more difficult.
That is why the statement’s conclusion is so precise. Geographical proximity is fixed, but turning it into an asset for the future requires courage and foresight. Here lies the essence of the nation-state idea. Geography does not change with governments, major interests should not be redefined with every crisis, and sound statecraft prevents short-term calculations from draining long-term relationships.
Morocco did not raise its tone with Spain, but elevated the debate to where it belongs, between two states that will remain neighbors long after the present controversies have passed.
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