Tanzania: Safeguarding Academic Freedom – the Dar es Salaam Annex to the Kampala Declaration

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Around the world, academic freedom in universities is increasingly under threat due to the rise of populist regimes, repressive governments, and heightened polarisation based on race, religion, and political divides. Recently, the conflict in Gaza has underscored the fragile state of academic freedom, especially in universities in the Global North. In the United Kingdom, Germany and the United States, some universities, academics, and students have faced punitive repercussions for voicing their opposition to the ongoing atrocities. As in many parts of the world, the transition to democracy in Africa has, unfortunately, not succeeded in safeguarding academic freedom and institutional autonomy for numerous universities. This issue was underscored during the recent international conference on academic freedom in Africa, held at the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania from April 29 to May 2, 2025. The conference was organised by the Senegal-based Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA).

Under the theme ‘Academic Freedom in Africa: Revisiting the Kampala Declaration,’ the conference attracted over 169 delegates from all corners of the continent and beyond. Participants gathered at this historic university, which had previously been the site of initial debates on academic freedom three decades ago. This was highlighted by CODESRIA’s Executive Secretary, Goldwin Murunga, when he remarked that the academic freedom agenda in Africa is largely driven by initiative from Dar es Salaam spreading across the continent. The event brought together leading international scholars, activists, and policymakers to engage in discussions that culminated in the review and adoption of the Dar es Salaam Annex (2025) to the Kampala Declaration (1990) on Intellectual Freedom and Social Responsibility.

Key debates and critical engagement

Ali Mazrui articulately identified three fundamental elements that shape the understanding of academic freedom from an African perspective. He contended that academic freedom involves ‘autonomy to shape the curriculum and syllabus, relative freedom to recruit teachers, and some freedom to admit students by criteria chosen by universities. Then there is freedom for scholars to decide research priorities and research methods, to publish their research findings, and to publicise their intellectual positions. Finally, there is general freedom of expression for teachers and students as a necessary intellectual infrastructure for mental development and intellectual creative’. Mazrui’s definition of academic freedom highlights the importance of independent thought, intellectual exploration, and the need for meaningful dialogue that reflects the contextual relevance of academic freedom. This approach enhances the academic landscape.

The advancement of academic freedom plays a pivotal role in realising the economic and social missions of universities and their contributions to communities. In university spaces, where epistemic debates, democratic principles, and social cohesion are constantly threatened by increased polarisation and state influence, safeguarding academic freedom is not merely an institutional necessity but a societal imperative. This freedom enables universities to engage meaningfully with pressing issues, such as governance, human rights, and economic inequality, thereby positioning them as vital contributors to development in their respective societies. In Africa, numerous examples have shown how academic thought intersects with socio-political progress, particularly during the third wave of democracy that began in the early 1990s. This period marked the reintroduction of multiparty politics in many countries. For instance, in Zambia, academics and university students played a pivotal role in opposing Kenneth Kaunda’s one-party state. Their efforts were essential in pushing for the return of plural politics, ultimately leading to the election of Frederick Chiluba as president in 1991. Similarly, when Chiluba attempted to amend the constitution to permit a third presidential term, academics and university students again took a stand. Their voices were critical in challenging and resisting this manipulation of the constitution, thereby illustrating how the voices of academics and students, when aligned with popular struggles, can help in safeguarding democracy.

The need to safeguard academic freedom and align it with common good values was a recurring theme at the CODESRIA-organised conference on academic freedom. In his opening remarks, CODESRIA’s Executive Secretary, Godwin Murunga, reinforced the need for scholars to organise themselves not just in defence of intellectual freedom but also in exercising responsibility to link their struggles with the popular struggles of the people for freedom, social justice, human dignity, and human emancipation. The conference’s key themes centred on education management and governance, gender diversity, university life for staff and students, knowledge production, and the impact of neoliberal forces on academic freedom in African universities.

The conference highlighted that external and internal threats continue to pose significant challenges to academic freedom in public universities across the continent. Papers focusing on Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire, Uganda, Eswatini, Zambia and Zimbabwe highlighted how political capture of university management points to the weakening of academic freedom and university autonomy in African public universities. Despite the existence of ‘autonomous structures’ such as the University Councils or Senates, governments have often exerted unlimited power over the affairs of universities on the premise that public institutions are dependent on public funding. In Zambia, for instance, the Minister of Education still retains the power to appoint members of the university councils in public universities. As a result of such unlimited powers, there have been concerns that the appointment of top university officials is usually characterised by political patronage, where positions like Vice Chancellors, Deputy Vice Chancellors, Registrars and membership to university councils are awarded on account of loyalty to the ruling party. This practice has contributed to suppressing academic freedom and institutional autonomy in many universities across the continent, as universities operate under a panoptic gaze, whereby academicians are constantly under surveillance by both university management and state security forces.

Where academicians are perceived as overly critical of the ruling government, they often face labelling as supporters of opposition parties. This designation carries significant negative repercussions, especially for those working in public universities in countries with high levels of political intolerance. In such environments, it can lead to diminished opportunities for promotions and funding, as well as social isolation, particularly from management. For academics, this atmosphere can generate insecurity regarding their tenure. As a result, the fear of being branded as opposition party members has compelled some scholars and researchers to adopt self-censorship in their teaching and research practices, ultimately undermining their epistemic capabilities. Consequently, they may refrain from engaging in or commenting on sensitive topics such as human rights violations, tribalism, corruption in public offices, police brutality, and other forms of institutional abuse, which could be viewed as politically charged.

The conference also emphasised how the rise of extreme groups has affected academic freedom in certain countries. In the context of South Africa, Pedro Mzileni from the University of Zululand highlighted the challenges of coloniality in academic freedom and teaching at a white far-right university. Reflecting on personal experiences at the University of the Free State, Mzileni expressed concerns that academic freedom is increasingly under threat due to recent international trends in far-right politics. These movements, rooted in colonial denialism and a phenomenon often referred to as white amnesia, seek to sustain global white supremacy while distorting historical narratives. This distortion aims to preserve colonial legacies and suppress progressive ideas that challenge the atrocities committed by those in positions of global white power against humanity.

In a presentation titled ‘Enacting Academic Freedom in the Neoliberal University,’ Sioux McKenna from Rhodes University emphasised that, at the time of political independence, African higher education had the potential to serve as a common good for society and the environment. In recent years, universities have largely missed an opportunity to redefine their role by prioritising a neoliberal approach that emphasises skills training and credentialing for industry. McKenna contends that for higher education to reclaim its status as a common good, it must actively safeguard its academic freedoms. This entails critically addressing the influences of both state and market imperatives as the academic community seeks to fulfil its responsibilities toward society and the environment.

Additionally, delegates observed that the erosion of academic freedom on the continent has been exacerbated by insufficient funding for research in universities. In light of these funding challenges, African universities have sought partnerships with donors, often from countries in the Global North. Johnson Inshengoma (Catholic University of Mbeya) highlighted that while such donor-funded collaborations have indeed contributed to the enhancement of research capacities in African universities, they have also posed challenges to academic freedom, as donor agencies frequently dictate the research agenda within these institutions.

Hajer Kratou (Ajman University) emphasised the crucial role of academic freedom in promoting peace across Africa. She urged governments to prioritise the protection of academic freedom, ensuring that universities serve as venues for critical dialogue and nurturing environments that empower scholars to engage in conflict resolution and foster social cohesion.

The way forward: From the Kampala Declaration (1990) to the Dar es Salaam Annex (2025)

The conference culminated with the adoption of the Dar es Salaam Annex (2025) to the 1990 Kampala Declaration. It is hoped that the Annex will reinvigorate the need to safeguard academic freedom on the continent. As highlighted in its preamble, the Dar re Salaam Annex 2025 is:

‘ A clarion call to the intellectuals of Africa to hear the cries of the peoples of the continent – for united action to liberate Africans completely from the clutches of imperialism and to emancipate them as the rightful makers of their own history, sovereign, independent and dignified. This demands nothing less than an All-Africa Intellectual Movement to articulate systematically the struggles of the people and thread together pockets of struggle unfolding in different corners of the continent into a pan-African mass movement.’

The Annex comprises nine thematic chapters, interconnected by the imperative to reposition academic freedom as a collective good. The first chapter emphasises the engagement of African intellectuals in popular struggles within their communities. Chapters 2, 3, and 4 underscore the relationship between academic freedom and knowledge production. In particular, Chapter 2 urges African intellectuals to dissociate themselves from the political right, and far-right ideologies propagated by certain Western academics, social media platforms, and civil society organisations, which primarily serve the interests of the financial oligarchy (Article A11). Moreover, the Annex cautions against the commercialisation of knowledge, advocating for university knowledge to be regarded as a common good. Given the epistemic injustices in knowledge production, Chapter 4 of the Annex underscores the need for promoting African knowledge values. As part of the decolonisation agenda, safeguarding academic freedom recognises the critical need for the African voice in the realm of global knowledge production and politics. Thus, African intellectuals are called to research, study, reclaim, and critically develop Afrocentric knowledge, epistemologies, and languages.

Furthermore, the Dar es Salaam Annex acknowledges the funding challenges confronting the African higher education system and their impact on academic freedom. In response, Chapter 5 addresses these dilemmas by encouraging African academics to resist the interference of donors and other funders in dictating research agendas and the production of knowledge. Additionally, it highlights the urgent need for locally-sourced solutions to the funding issues faced by universities across the continent. Chapter 6 emphasises the significance of financial independence while also recognising the value of international collaborations that uphold the rights of individuals engaged in their struggles for freedom, social justice, self-determination, and national liberation. Thus, most delegates stressed the importance of decreasing reliance on donor funding by increasing local financial resources. Moreover, the reduction in international aid from major donors, such as the United States and the United Kingdom, should serve as a wake-up call for African states to explore alternative sources of funding.