Societal Paranoia and Political Disorder in Ethiopia: A Psychiatric Analogy

By: Sophonias A. Kassa

Introduction

Paranoia is not confined to the realm of individual psychopathology; it can consume entire societies, shaping political movements, governance, and public discourse. Stefano Carta (2020), in his work History, Trauma, and Paranoia, argues that paranoia is a consequence of historical trauma, manifesting in collective anxieties, scapegoating, and reactionary governance. In Ethiopia, paranoia has become embedded in both the public psyche and governmental institutions, creating a cycle of mistrust, repression, and fragmentation.

This article integrates psychiatric frameworks from the DSM-5 (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2013), along with insights from Bale (2007), Carta (2024), McWilliams (2012), Williams (2021), Roland & Silver (2010), and Baca (2013), to analyze Ethiopia’s political paranoia as a manifestation of Paranoid Personality Disorder (PPD) and Collective Delusion. The contagious nature of paranoia, where fear is mutually reinforced between the government and society, has resulted in a breakdown of rational discourse, fueling authoritarianism, civil unrest, and political violence preventing rational governance and reconciliation.

Paranoia as a Clinical and Political Phenomenon

In clinical psychology, paranoia is defined as an irrational and pervasive distrust of others, often leading to misinterpretations of benign events as deliberate attacks. According to the DSM-5, Paranoid Personality Disorder (PPD) is characterized by a persistent suspicion that others are deceiving, exploiting, or seeking to harm the individual, even in the absence of evidence (APA, 2013). Those afflicted with this condition tend to be hypersensitive to criticism, bear grudges, and react with hostility to perceived threats. These symptoms, while traditionally used to diagnose individuals, can also be observed in the behavior of governments and political movements that operate under a chronic sense of persecution (McWilliams, 2012).

In Ethiopia, paranoia has become deeply ingrained in both the political elite and the broader public. Governments have historically viewed dissent not as a form of political engagement but as an existential threat to national unity and security (Williams, 2021). This fear-driven approach has led to widespread crackdowns on opposition, censorship of the media, and the militarization of governance. Meanwhile, the public, conditioned by a history of betrayal, ethnic violence, and external interventions, has grown equally distrustful of state institutions, believing that political elites are engaged in covert conspiracies to suppress or marginalize certain groups (Bale, 2007). As a result, paranoia is no longer an isolated psychological condition but a collective affliction shaping political realities.

Historical Trauma as the Root of Paranoia

Carta (2024) emphasizes that historical trauma, if left unresolved, creates a cycle of paranoia where past experiences dictate present fears and future expectations. Ethiopia’s political paranoia is deeply rooted in a history of violence, betrayal, and oppression. The country’s legacy of authoritarian rule, beginning with the imperial era and culminating in the brutal Derg regime, has left a profound mark on the collective consciousness. The Red Terror of the late 1970s, characterized by mass executions, disappearances, and forced confessions, created an environment where survival depended on absolute loyalty and silence (McWilliams, 2012). For decades, Ethiopians learned to associate politics with deception, suspicion, and the omnipresent threat of persecution.

The introduction of ethnic federalism in the 1990s, intended to provide autonomy and inclusivity, further entrenched paranoia by institutionalizing ethnic divisions (Williams, 2021). Rather than fostering cooperation, ethnic federalism heightened mutual distrust among groups, each fearing that their political rivals sought their marginalization or destruction. Political factions became increasingly insular, interpreting policy changes or electoral outcomes as existential battles rather than normal democratic processes. The inability to process historical trauma through reconciliation has left each political generation trapped in a cycle of suspicion and reactionary governance, mirroring the PTSD-like symptoms of individuals who continually relive past fears (Carta, 2024).

The Contagious Nature of Paranoia: How Society and Government Reinforce Each Other

McWilliams (2012) describes paranoia as a contagious psychological state, capable of spreading through social and political structures. Ethiopia’s political system exemplifies this process, as paranoia moves between government and society, each reinforcing the other’s fears. The government, operating under a perpetual siege mentality, justifies repressive policies as necessary measures against perceived internal and external enemies (Bale, 2007). Leaders frame opposition groups as agents of foreign interference, civil unrest as orchestrated destabilization, and democratic discourse as a smokescreen for treason. The state’s increasing reliance on surveillance, censorship, and military intervention reflects a deep-seated fear that any loosening of control will result in chaos or collapse.

At the same time, public paranoia feeds off government actions, interpreting every policy shift or crackdown as confirmation of authoritarian conspiracy theories (Williams, 2021). The widespread belief that elections are rigged, state institutions are tools of oppression, and foreign actors manipulate Ethiopian politics fuels radicalization and disengagement from formal political processes. This mutual reinforcement creates a self-perpetuating cycle, mirroring the clinical paranoia feedback loop, in which defensive behaviors trigger hostile reactions that confirm the paranoid individual’s fears, escalating the cycle indefinitely (APA, 2013).

Projection and Scapegoating: The Politics of Blame

Paranoia in political discourse often emerges through projection, a psychological defense mechanism in which individuals or groups displace their internal fears and anxieties onto external entities (Carta, 2020). In Ethiopian politics, blame-shifting serves as a key strategy for both the ruling government and opposition factions.

Governments frequently attribute economic hardships, civil unrest, and diplomatic failures to external forces, such as foreign intervention, opposition sabotage, or global economic conspiracies, rather than critically examining their own policy shortcomings (Bale, 2007). Similarly, opposition groups, instead of addressing systemic governance challenges, often frame the ruling party as the primary architect of ethnic tensions and national instability. This cycle of projection fuels a political culture of paranoia, where public discourse is dominated by suspicion rather than constructive engagement.

Healing Ethiopia’s Political Psyche: A Psychiatric Approach

I used to study political science, dissecting the ideologies that shape nations, analyzing power struggles, and tracing the rise and fall of governments. Now, as a psychiatric nurse provider, I see a different kind of struggle—one that exists within the mind but manifests just as powerfully in the world. And yet, I realize that the two are not so different after all. Politics and psychiatry, nations and individuals, governments and minds—each is vulnerable to disorder, instability, and paranoia.

Ethiopia, like an individual suffering from paranoia, exhibits symptoms of distrust, fear, and projection. Political factions blame one another for crises, ethnic groups live in suspicion of each other, and leaders see conspiracies in every opposition movement. Just as a paranoid patient builds an intricate web of imagined threats, Ethiopian society has been trapped in a cycle of blame-shifting and historical revisionism, unable to recognize how much of the conflict is self-inflicted.

I think of how I approach a patient suffering from paranoid delusions—they perceive threats everywhere, convinced that forces beyond their control are conspiring against them. In therapy, we work on cognitive restructuring, helping them recognize when their fears are distorted, when their reactions are exaggerated, and when they must face reality. And I wonder—can a society do the same? Can a nation trapped in its own political paranoia step back and examine itself critically?

Ethiopia’s political turmoil is not unlike a case of bipolar disorder—a cycle of euphoric highs during moments of political unity, followed by devastating lows when divisions resurface. Governments rise promising reform, only to be consumed by the same cycles of authoritarianism and exclusion. Opposition groups, instead of working toward systemic solutions, often react impulsively fueling instability rather than breaking the cycle. Much like in psychiatric care, stability requires a long-term plan, not just crisis management.

Perhaps Ethiopia’s healing should take a page from trauma therapy. A national dialogue, if structured like a therapeutic intervention, could provide a space for truth-telling and reconciliation. Just as therapy helps trauma survivors confront their past without being consumed by it, Ethiopia must acknowledge historical grievances without allowing them to define the present. Justice, like treatment, must be balanced—too little, and resentment festers; too much, and the wounds never close.

I now see my two disciplines—political science and psychiatry—not as separate fields, but as parallel studies of human behavior. Whether treating an individual or analyzing a nation, the same principles apply: Without trust, there can be no healing. Without accountability, there can be no stability. Without cognitive restructuring, the cycle of paranoia will never break.

And so I wonder: If a patient can be treated, can a nation? If an individual can learn to recognize their delusions, can a society? If healing is possible for the mind, could it not also be possible for Ethiopia?

Given the deep psychological roots of Ethiopia’s political instability, addressing these challenges requires more than just policy reforms—it demands a structured, therapeutic approach to national healing. This is where psychiatric insights offer a valuable lens on reconciliation and cognitive restructuring at a societal level.

Much like an individual suffering from paranoia, Ethiopia must undergo cognitive restructuring—a therapeutic method used to replace distorted beliefs with healthier perspectives. A national reconciliation process, modeled after trauma therapy, could provide a platform for acknowledging historical injustices without perpetuating them. A national dialogue, if structured as a therapeutic intervention, could provide a space for truth-telling and reconciliation.

Conclusion

Carta’s analysis of paranoia as a historical and cultural disorder reveals that Ethiopia’s political instability is not simply a governance issue but a psychological condition embedded in the national consciousness. Unless paranoia is addressed at its roots—through truth-telling, reconciliation, and political restructuring—it will continue to fuel instability, distrust, and authoritarian responses. Ethiopia’s future depends on its ability to break free from paranoia-driven politics and cultivate a rational, inclusive, and stable governance model.

 

References

American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (5th ed.).

Baca, J. M. (2013). The Journey Through Collective Delusion: A Depth and Cultural Psychological Analysis (Vol. 51, Number 5). ProQuest Dissertations & Theses.

Bale, J. M. (2007). Political paranoia v. political realism: on distinguishing between bogus conspiracy theories and genuine conspiratorial politics. Patterns of Prejudice, 41(1), 45–60. https://doi.org/10.1080/00313220601118751

Carta, S. (2024). History, Paranoia, Fragmentation1. Journal of Analytical Psychology, 69(2), 174–194. https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-5922.12986

McWilliams, N. (2010). Paranoia and Political Leadership. The Psychoanalytic Review (1963), 97(2), 239–261. https://doi.org/10.1521/prev.2010.97.2.239

Williams, G. P. (2019). What’s the Matter with Resentment? Richard Hofstadter’s Understanding of Political Paranoia. American Political Thought (Chicago, Ill.), 8(4), 528–551. https://doi.org/10.1086/705603