Ethiopia: From Rebellion to Ruin – the Rise, Reign, Decline, and Enduring Legacy of the TPLF in Ethiopia

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has played a crucial role in shaping Ethiopia’s modern political landscape, evolving from a rebel group to a dominant ruling party, and ultimately experiencing a significant decline that has left behind a complex legacy.

The Rise (1975-1991)

Founded on February 18, 1975, in Dedebit, Tigray, the TPLF emerged from a small group of Tigrayan students and militants amidst widespread revolutionary fervor across Africa. Driven by Marxist-Leninist ideology, Tigrayan nationalism, and resentment towards the centralized Ethiopian state, the TPLF drew inspiration from the brutal suppression of the 1943 Tigrayan revolt (First Woyane) by Emperor Haile Selassie. Throughout the late 1970s and 1980s, the TPLF steadily gained power by forming strategic alliances, employing ruthless tactics, and appealing to Tigrayan nationalist sentiment.

Starting with about 50 fighters, the TPLF received vital training and support from the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), which shared cultural ties and a mutual adversary in the Derg regime. This alliance enabled the TPLF to withstand military campaigns by the Soviet-backed Derg. TPLF leaders, known for their ruthlessness, eliminated rival factions in Tigray, such as the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party, consolidating control by 1979. They downplayed Marxist rhetoric to attract conservative, Christian rural Tigrayans, emphasizing regional autonomy in opposition to the Derg’s socialist centralization.

In 1976, the Terrorism Research & Analysis Consortium (TRAC) designated the TPLF as a terrorist group on the Global Terrorism Database, citing ten documented atrocities committed by that time.

By the late 1980s, the TPLF had emerged as the leading force within the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of ethnic-based rebel groups formed in 1988 to combat the Derg. The TPLF’s military strength increased due to its reorganization and the training of peasant recruits by the EPLF.

Additionally, the 1984-1985 famine, worsened by the Derg’s harsh counter-insurgency in Tigray, drew international attention to the region, exemplified by relief efforts like Live Aid filmed in Mekelle. The TPLF’s humanitarian organization, the Relief Society of Tigray (REST), diverted some Western aid to fund weapons, enhancing its military capabilities.

On May 28, 1991, the TPLF, bolstered by Eritrean forces, seized Addis Ababa, overthrowing the Derg. This victory marked the TPLF’s transition from insurgents to rulers, with Meles Zenawi becoming the President of the Transitional Government in Ethiopia. With substantial support from the EPLF and other factions, alongside the politicization of famine and the use of food aid to acquire weapons, the TPLF took approximately 17 years to rise to power in Addis Ababa.

The Reign (1991-2018)

For nearly twice the duration of its insurgency, the TPLF employed an iron-fist strategy to dominate Ethiopian political and economic life, establishing one of the most centralized governance models in the country’s history. Under the leadership of the charismatic Meles Zenawi, the TPLF sought to legitimize dictatorship on a global scale, as noted by The Economist.

In the federalist framework of the EPRDF coalition, the TPLF controlled key sectors, including the military, intelligence, and economy. Meles Zenawi served as Prime Minister from 1995 until his death in 2012, presiding over economic growth fueled by foreign aid and infrastructure investment, alongside authoritarian practices that included imprisoning opponents and suppressing dissent. The 1995 constitution granted regional autonomy in response to demands for self-determination from Tigrayan and other groups. However, critics contended that this framework entrenched TPLF dominance and escalated ethnic tensions.

The TPLF maintained significant control over Ethiopia’s economy, managing resources and donor funds which spurred development but also led to allegations of corruption and favoritism. Its governance was characterized by ongoing hostility toward Eritrea, especially following the 1998-2000 border war over Badme, which strained relations and influenced TPLF security policies.

Following Meles’s death in 2012, internal strife surfaced as his successor, Hailemariam Desalegn, grappled with factionalism and rising public discontent. Anti-TPLF protests, primarily led by Oromo and Amhara groups, erupted in 2015, challenging Tigrayan hegemony.

The Decline (2018-2025)

After Meles Zenawi’s death, the TPLF’s reliance on its iron-fist strategy intensified, worsening social conditions and leading to widespread protests. The protests peaked in 2018, resulting in Hailemariam Desalegn’s resignation and the ascendance of Abiy Ahmed as Prime Minister. The TPLF’s decline began with the intensifying #OromoProtests and Abiy Ahmed’s rise to power.

The reform agendas, including a peace agreement with Eritrea in 2018 and the dissolution of the EPRDF into the Prosperity Party in 2019, fostered feelings of marginalization within the TPLF, which opted not to join the new party. The TPLF perceived Abiy’s policies, especially the anti-corruption measures as a direct attack on Tigrayans, leading to arrests and ethnic profiling.

In fact, the TPLF rejected Abiy Ahmed’s election as Chairperson of the EPRDF and Prime Minister, opposing his security and party reforms. The postponement of elections due to COVID-19 further escalated tensions between the Tigray Regional Government and the Federal Government. Subsequently, the House of Federation cut the regional government’s budget. In response, the TPLF attacked the Northern Military Base, prompting the Federal Government to initiate military operations it termed “law enforcement operations” in Tigray. The conflict, which persisted until November 2022, resulted in significant civilian casualties and widespread human rights abuses.

The Pretoria Agreement (CoHA), signed on November 2, 2022, concluded the war and established the Tigray Interim Administration (TIA) with limited TPLF control (51% representation). The TPLF was removed from Ethiopia’s terrorist list in March 2023 and conditionally re-registered as a political party in July 2024, but internal factionalism and disputes with the federal government continued.

On May 14, 2025, Ethiopia’s National Election Board (NEBE) revoked the TPLF’s legal status, citing failure to meet registration requirements, thereby deepening tensions and jeopardizing the fragile peace established by the CoHA.

The Legacy

The Woyane fought in three significant conflicts against the Ethiopian state: the 1943 First Woyane Rebellion (Qadamay Woyane), the 1975-1991 Ethiopian Civil War, and the 2020-2022 Tigray War. Despite these clashes, the TPLF has maintained strong ties to Ethiopia’s political and military structures, notably leading the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition from 1991 to 2018, significantly influencing the country’s federal system and security framework.

This created a paradoxical legacy for the TPLF: it dismantled centralized oppression and fostered development in Ethiopia while also sowing division through favoritism and authoritarianism. Its implementation of federalism reshaped governance but incited conflicts, while its economic successes were often perceived as inequitable. The Tigray War solidified its dual image as both a champion of Tigrayan rights and a catalyst for widespread devastation. With its legal status revoked and Tigray navigating a fragile peace, the TPLF’s influence endures in Ethiopia’s fractured political landscape, ongoing debates over federalism, and Tigray’s quest for autonomy.