Divided and Disputed: TPLF’s fractured leadership, electoral board feud threaten Tigray’s fragile peace
Addis Abeba – For decades, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has celebrated February 18 with grand events marking its founding day. However, last month’s 50th anniversary was a stark departure from tradition, as the party faces mounting and unprecedented challenges—including internal divisions and its ongoing struggle to regain legal recognition.
The gravity of this turbulent period became evident in July 2024, when an 11-day leadership meeting laid bare TPLF’s deepest wounds. Following the meeting, the TPLF issued a rare moment of self-reflection, acknowledging the party is facing one of the “toughest internal struggles” in its five-decade history. It cited a leadership void that has stalled the Pretoria Peace Agreement—a crucial step toward peace for the people of Tigray. Party officials also attributed delays in the agreement’s implementation to TPLF’s own internal disunity.
“Our party’s central committee acknowledges recent challenges in fulfilling its core mission and leading effectively,” TPLF stated in its statement, citing “a lack of democratic practices, regional favoritism, populism, and corruption” as key issues.
Political rift
Shortly after this announcement, a significant rift emerged between factions led by Debretsion Gebremichael (PhD) and Getachew Reda, president of the Tigray Interim Administration. This division resulted in Debretsion’s faction removing Getachew and other regional officials from party membership during the 14th TPLF Congress in August 2024, declaring they “will no longer have the authority to lead, make decisions, or issue directives.”
This was followed by the announcement in October 2024 by the TPLF, under Debretsion’s leadership, of the removal of five members from the Tigray region’s interim administration, including President Getachew.
In response, the interim administration accused Debretsion’s group of attempting to “destabilize” the region through actions it described as a “coup d’état.”
Tensions intensified two months ago when senior leaders of the Tigray Forces announced their decision to dissolve and restructure the interim administration, describing it as “weakened” and “failing to meet its responsibilities.”
In a statement issued on 23 January 2025, Tigray Forces leaders accused the interim administration of being influenced by “external forces” and claimed it had become “a tool for others.” They further alleged that some leaders had “committed treason, abandoned public interests, and acted beyond their assigned mission.”
The Pretoria Agreement is not merely a connection between the TPLF and the federal government but serves as a bridge linking Tigray and the Ethiopian federation.”
Amanuel Assefa, deputy chairman of the TPLF
Following this accusation, the interim administration has requested “necessary support” from the federal government to manage the instability in the region. However, Debretsion’s faction has rejected this request, signaling a widening political rift within the party.
On 13 March, 2025, Tigray’s interim president, Getachew, addressed the current situation in the region during a briefing in Addis Abeba. He stated that “certain factions within the TPLF, which reject legal authority and seek to gain from war, along with a few high-ranking military officials, are putting the region in danger.”
Last week, the situation took a new turn when the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) stated that its forces had “crushed” what they called a “coordinated attack” in various parts of the Amhara region. The ENDF accused Brigadier General Migbe Haile, a senior member of the Tigray Forces, and his associates of “encouraging and coordinating” the attack.
In response, the Tigray Bureau of Peace and Security condemned what it called a “coordinated defamation campaign against the Tigrayan people, their institutions, and their leadership” amid the accusations against a senior Tigrayan general by the ENDF. Comparing the army’s accusations to the “propaganda tactics” used during the Rwandan genocide, the Bureau directly addressed the claims in the ENDF’s statement, dismissing them as “misleading and baseless.”
Fight for legitimacy
On top of the internal divisions, the TPLF is also locked in horns with the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) over its legal status. The dispute arose after the party held an assembly in August 2024, defying the board’s warning against proceeding without its approval.
This dispute has since escalated, with the NEBE recently suspending the TPLF’s political activities for three months and warning that it may revoke the party’s registration.
In an interview with Addis Standard, Amanuel Assefa, deputy chairman of the TPLF, accused the electoral board of playing a harmful role by meddling in Tigray’s internal politics. He denounced the board’s statements and actions, asserting they “aimed at supporting movements that claim TPLF is divided and its congress held in August is illegal.”
“Such actions are intended to give temporary legitimacy and a sense of power to certain groups and individuals, even if they lack legal backing,” he argued.
The dispute between NEBE and TPLF dates back to the period of the two-year war, during which the party’s registration license was revoked by the board in January 2021, citing the party’s engagement in “armed violence against the government.”
Despite the Pretoria peace deal, which ended the two-year war, and the removal of the TPLF from the terrorist designation on March 22, 2023, the electoral board upheld its decision, stating that no legal basis existed to reverse the annulment.
Amanuel recalled the party’s efforts to regain its legal legitimacy following the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (COHA), signed between the TPLF and the federal government in November 2022, which ended the two-year war.
It is inappropriate to link the Pretoria Agreement with the TPLF’s existence.”
Tsegazeab Kahsu (PhD), a prominent figure in the opposition party Baitona Tigray
He explained that after the agreement, the TPLF sought to restore its revoked legal status. “However, the board rejected the request, claiming it lacked the legal authority to reinstate a revoked legal status,” he said.
The deputy chairman also recounted a subsequent discussion with the prime minister. “We held discussions with the Prime Minister, who informed us that if the Board lacks the legal framework, the federal government will introduce a law to facilitate the restoration of our revoked legal status,” he told Addis Standard.
In June 2024, the House of People’s Representatives amended the ‘Electoral, Political Parties Registration, and Electoral Ethics Proclamation.’ The revision allowed political groups, including the TPLF, to regain legal status, provided they renounced violence and committed to operating peacefully.
However, the TPLF rejected the amendment, arguing that it only permitted outlawed political parties to re-register rather than restoring its pre-war legal status.
“…We will never register as a new party,” said Debretsion in an interview with a regional outlet.
Despite this, the board denied the TPLF’s request to reinstate its former legal status. Instead, it granted the party a certificate of legal personality as a new political organization under special conditions.
“We have not accepted the decision,” Amanuel reiterated. “What we requested differs from what they granted, so we sent a formal letter to the Prime Minister and the Board.”
Amanuel stressed that receiving a certificate does not equate to agreement. “Acknowledgment and issuance do not automatically mean acceptance,” he stated. “If the certificate is in your hands, it is a technical matter. Politically and legally speaking, accepting the decision of the board can only happen when we allow the electoral board to control and judge us based on the given decision. The TPLF must first review the certificate to accept the decision.”
The Deputy Chairman also accused the NEBE of overstepping its authority. He claimed the board attempted to impose an unwanted decision on the party and falsely suggested the party had agreed to it. “They are trying to judge the party by giving it what it didn’t ask for and pretending that the party accepted what it didn’t,” he stated.
He further criticized the NEBE, asserting that it undermines its own credibility. “It [NEBE] claims to be a democratic institution, yet it is manipulating democratic procedures and forcing us into submission,” he said.
The dispute between the two parties escalated further when the NEBE, in a statement issued in August 2024, outlined key requirements for the TPLF’s general assembly. These requirements included a 21-day pre-notification and the presence of Board observers at the event. Despite these instructions, the TPLF held its party congress that same month, ignoring the board’s warning against holding the assembly without its approval.
This refusal prompted the NEBE to suspend the party from political activities for three months, citing its failure to hold a general assembly within the legally mandated period. The board also warned that if the party did not take corrective measures during the suspension, its registration would be canceled.
The TPLF dismissed the suspension, arguing that the ruling “has no legal significance” and does not affect its status. In a statement issued on 14 February, 2025, the party asserted that “whether the Board revokes or maintains its recognition, it never existed as a legal requirement” and, therefore, “has no legal significance.” Furthermore, the party emphasized that it “never requested to register as a new party” but sought the restoration of its legal identity “based on the Pretoria Agreement.”
Amanuel contends that the board has refused to interpret the law correctly, stating, “They do not wish to interpret it in a lawful manner.” He suggested that, in accordance with the previous Election Proclamation, there was a more favorable approach to restoring its legal status under the Pretoria Agreement.
“The NEBE may act on a political party, but it cannot restore the legal status of those who have been dissolved,” he emphasized. “Once the party has entered into the agreement and agreed to peace, there is no question remaining regarding the status of the party.”
Pretoria peace deal faces uncertain future
Tadelle Gebremedhin, a Minnesota-based legal scholar with a doctorate in law, believes the warning issued to the TPLF regarding potential termination “poses a threat to the Pretoria agreement.” He argues that the Pretoria agreement will become “ownerless,” and the resulting instability will harm both the country and the region.
The deputy chairman also expressed his concern, stating, “An entity that has signed an agreement as significant as the Pretoria Agreement is now being pushed aside, stripped of options, and blocked from pursuing a peaceful political path. This is deeply concerning. What exactly is this institution doing for Ethiopia and for peace?”
Regarding the TPLF’s issue, particularly its legal activities and relationship with the federal government, Amanuel stated, “The only binding legal framework is the Pretoria Agreement.” He emphasized that the agreement is not merely a connection between the TPLF and the federal government but serves as a bridge linking Tigray and the Ethiopian federation.
It [TPLF] must overcome internal differences to demonstrate a unified stance that adequately represents the interests of the Tigrayan people.”
Tadelle Gebremedhin, a Minnesota-based legal scholar
Tsegazeab Kahsu (PhD), a prominent figure in the opposition party Baitona Tigray and in Tigray’s political sphere, disagrees with this perspective. He rejects Amanuel’s claim that the Board’s decision affects the Pretoria Agreement, arguing that the significance of the decision is “exaggerated.”
“It is inappropriate to link the Pretoria Agreement with the TPLF’s existence,” he explained. “The accord is an agreement of the Tigray people, and even if the party ceases to exist, the agreement will inevitably continue.”
Although Tigray is physically connected to Ethiopia by land, Amanuel believes “it cannot be considered a member of the federation” in constitutional terms. He emphasized, “The only remaining link is the Pretoria Agreement,” identifying the TPLF as a “central figure” in the peace accord. “If the party’s viability is at risk, who then is the owner of this agreement?” he asked.
The deputy chairman further elaborated, “Currently, Tigray lacks representation in the federal government, the federal system, or the federation. It holds no presence in the House of Peoples’ Representatives, the House of Federation, the executive branch, the military, or any federal institutions.”
Tadelle expressed concern that the NEBE’s decisions regarding the TPLF, particularly after the peace agreement, have significantly impacted the political landscape of the Tigray region by casting doubt on the TPLF’s role within the Tigray Interim Administration.
He emphasized that the TPLF “will not sit idly by,” noting its 50-year legacy as a movement and its strong public support. He suggested that “a shift in strategy is inevitable, and the method of struggle will change.”
“Rather than pushing the TPLF away, the board should allow the party to play its part,” the legal scholar advised.
The Deputy Chairman also criticized the NEBE, asserting that it exceeds its legal authority. “The institution is engaging in political maneuvers beyond its legal mandate,” he stated.
He accused the Board of escalating tensions in Tigray. “The board is playing a political game in the Tigray region,” he said. “When the political climate in the region is cooling down, it has taken on the responsibility of fueling the fire instead of de-escalating tensions. What they are doing is the equivalent of adding fuel to the fire.”
Amanuel further alleged an ongoing effort exists to shape an agenda within the region. He highlighted the timing of the Board’s statements, specifically citing a recent one released during the TPLF’s 50th anniversary celebrations.
Tadelle believes that the future direction of the TPLF and its ongoing political movement depends on its ability to resolve internal differences and present a unified stance.
“It [TPLF] must overcome internal differences to demonstrate a unified stance that adequately represents the interests of the Tigrayan people,” he stated.
He also emphasized the importance of exploring legal options, noting that any legal challenges should be addressed within Ethiopia’s legal framework, rather than being dismissed as merely “symbolic grievances.”
Tadelle further stressed the need for diplomatic efforts to mitigate potential risks while also securing international diplomatic support for a resolution that ensures both peace and stability in the region.
On the other hand, Tsegazeab of Baytona expressed hope that the TPLF will utilize the extra three-month period provided by the board.
Amanuel, however, contends that the political document linking the TPLF with the federal government is the Pretoria Agreement. “Based on this agreement, we are engaging in dialogue with the federal government to resolve the issue,” he stated. AS
Crédito: Link de origem