France must rediscover the language of Africa

A former Marine Corps officer, military adviser to the Élysée, and long-standing observer of Franco-African relations, Colonel Peer De Jong has co-authored Out of Africa with Frédéric Lejeal. The conclusion is clear: in the space of three years, France has seen the bulk of its military presence on the continent disappear. For the author, this withdrawal is not the result of an accident, but of decades of misunderstandings, paternalism and an inability to perceive the profound changes taking place in Africa. He is now calling for a complete overhaul of the relationship between France and African states.

Why did you choose such a radical title: Out of Africa?

Because we need to face reality head-on. We could have chosen a more diplomatic, more elaborate title, but that would have served no purpose. The situation is simple. In 2022, France still had a considerable military presence in Africa, with permanent bases and several overseas operations. Three years later, all that remains is a base in Djibouti. Our model has collapsed in a very short space of time. We needed a title that would reflect this reality.

When did this shift actually begin?

Many people think it is a recent development. I do not believe that. The first signs appeared as early as the early 1990s. In my view, 1994 marked a real turning point: the death of Félix Houphouët-Boigny, the devaluation of the CFA franc, the Rwandan genocide, François Mitterrand’s final Africa-France summit… From that point on, our relationship with Africa began to deteriorate slowly. The problem is that we didn’t want to see these early warning signs.

You explain that France has gradually lost its understanding of Africa.

Yes. I often use this phrase: we have lost the language of Africa. For a long time, France had a civil service that knew the continent, its leaders, its delicate balances, and its sensitivities. That knowledge has gradually faded. We carried on using words that Africans no longer used. We carried on thinking about the relationship as if nothing had changed. Yet Africa, for its part, was evolving. At some point, the gap became too wide.

You also mention a form of French paternalism.

That is probably one of our main mistakes. We have all too often assumed that we knew what was best for African states, without really asking them what sort of relationship they wished to build with us. We imposed our own ways of thinking. We maintained a relationship structured almost entirely around military matters. Military bases, defence agreements and successive interventions ended up defining our African policy almost entirely on their own. This model may have made sense in the 1960s. It no longer corresponds to today’s Africa.

Do you think the war in Libya marks a turning point?

Undoubtedly. This intervention has had far-reaching consequences for the entire Sahel region. It has accelerated the movement of armed groups, caused lasting destabilisation of regional balances and profoundly altered perceptions of France. It also had a major international impact. The Russians and the Chinese took the view that United Nations resolutions could be interpreted broadly. Since then, the functioning of the Security Council has been profoundly affected. The war in Libya was a major strategic error.

Was the withdrawal of French forces experienced as a trauma by the army?

Of course. For many military personnel, this withdrawal was felt as a humiliation. Nevertheless, we must also view matters with a clear head. When the defence agreements were signed in the 1960s, the aim was to gradually support the build-up of African armed forces. Sixty years on, continuing to act as if nothing had changed no longer makes sense. African officers are now trained all over the world. African elites study everywhere, not just in France. We have sometimes continued to think as if we were the sole point of reference. That was no longer the reality.

How can we rebuild a relationship of trust?

Firstly, by showing humility. We must stop talking about ‘Africa’ as a homogeneous whole. Senegal is not Togo. Côte d’Ivoire is not the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Each country has its own history, interests and expectations. We must rebuild bilateral relations, discuss matters on a country-by-country basis and accept that each state defines for itself the partnerships it wishes to develop. We must move away from a mindset of tutelage and towards one of partnership.

Sovereignty has become a key term in African discourse.

And that is perfectly normal. African states are sovereign. Today, they freely choose their partners. Some work more closely with Russia, others with Turkey, China, the United States or Europe. That is their right. It would be a mistake to believe that this diversification is directed against France. It simply reflects a new international reality. We must accept it.

You also call for the ‘demilitarisation’ of France’s view of Africa.

This does not mean that we should no longer cooperate on security matters. The needs are there, but Franco-African relations can no longer be viewed solely through a military lens. We must bring culture, the Francophonie, higher education, economic exchanges, business, research and civil society initiatives back to the forefront. This is how lasting relationships are rebuilt.

Does the Francophonie remain an asset?

Of course. The heart of the Francophonie lies in Africa today. It is an extraordinary shared heritage. Here again, we need to change our approach. It is not enough simply to proclaim our commitment to the French language. We must give young Africans who wish to do so the means to learn French, to travel, to study and to work with us. The Francophonie is not a static legacy. It is a project that we must continue to keep alive.

How do you view African youth?

They express a very strong aspiration for sovereignty. This is probably what we have misunderstood the most. These young people no longer tolerate paternalistic rhetoric. They want to be regarded as full partners. We must accept this change. It is no longer a question of telling Africans what they must do. They have been independent for over sixty years. They are making their own choices, forging their own alliances and setting their own priorities. It is up to us to build a relationship based on respect.

And how do you view the future of this relationship, from a French perspective?

We are among partners, among friends. Our shared history remains, as does our common language, but that gives us no special rights. Quite simply, Africa is not our territory! The Franco-African relationship will not disappear. However, it must be completely reinvented. It can no longer be based on the reflexes of the past. It will have to be built on respect, modesty and a willingness to listen. It is on this condition that we may, perhaps, rediscover the language of Africa.